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London: C. J. CLAY anp SONS,
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ets Bork: MACMILLAN AND CO.

ANCIENT

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By CECIL TORK, «M.A.

ILLUSTRATED 7
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CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
1895

[Al Rights reserved.]

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PREFACE.

OR some while I have been at work upon a history of
ancient shipping; and the following pages are meant

to form a portion of that history. Assuming that ancient
shipping means shipping in the Mediterranean between
1000 B.C. and 1000 A.D., and that a history of shipping should
deal with everything connected with ships, I find that I have
upon my hands a task of no small magnitude; and I do not
quite know when this task will be accomplished. That being
so, I am bringing out this portion of the work before the rest ;
this portion being tolerably complete already, and dealing
with a question that may conveniently be discussed apart

from any other, namely, the character of the ships them-

selves. ;
Ancient ships have already formed the subject of dozens

of books and pamphlets ; and I necessarily have made myself

acquainted with the bulk of this literature, from Dr Assmann’s

_Iatest article in the Avchdologisches Fahrbuch back to the
treatise De Re Navali published by L. de Baif in 1536. I do

not wish to underrate my obligations to previous writers on
the subject, for they have informed me of many things that
I was not at all likely to discover for myself. But, taking
them altogether, I have found their works more voluminous
than valuable. As a rule, they have relied too much upon
their predecessors. A great many of their works are nothing
more than careless compilations from those of earlier date ;
and hardly any of them fail to repeat a few exploded

r B

vi PREFACE.

blunders. And then a great deal of energy has been mis-
directed. Author after author has written as though the
question was simply how he would set to work, if he were
called upon to build a trireme; and accordingly there has
been a crop of so-called restorations, which are principally
works of the imagination, and do not always agree with the
evidence on the few points that happen to be known for
certain. And while many of the writers on the subject have

BP oO a ee te Κα

thus contented themselves with a very slender knowledge of

the evidence available, nearly all of them have shewn more
zeal in collecting evidence than in sifting it sufficiently to
ascertain its value.

The best of the written evidence comes from inscriptions.
In digging the foundations for a building at the Peirzus in
1834, the workmen came upon a Roman or Byzantine drain;
and found that it was lined with slabs of marble covered with
inscriptions. These were some of the inventories of the
Athenian dockyards, and a few others have come to light
since then, the earliest of them dating from 373 and the latest
from 323 B.C. or thereabouts. Unhappily, these inscriptions
are shattered and defaced in many places; but where the
reading is clear, their testimony is conclusive’.

Next in importance are the statements that occur in
ancient literature: but, unfortunately, very few of these are
more than passing allusions; and the only one that enters
into details is open to suspicion. This is the account that
Athenzos gives of some stupendous ships that were built
about 400 years before his time. In my opinion, this account
is not to be accepted as a description of those particular
ships: but I imagine that its authors based their statements
on what they knew of ships in general; so that, with due
allowance for exaggerations and anachronisms, every detail is

* All these inscriptions are printed in the Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum,
vol. ii, nos. 789—812. The original set were edited by August Béckh in 1840
from copies by Ludwig Ross.

PREFACE. vii

admissible as evidence in dealing with the ships of ancient
times’. Of course, the literary evidence has all to be sub-
jected to the ordinary tests, each statement being estimated
by the value that we put upon its author and his means
of information about the matter in hand. And _ peculiar
difficulties arise when a thing is mentioned only once in
literature, the question being whether this is due to chance,
or must be taken to imply that the thing was not in vogue
for any length of time. But that conclusion is not inevitable,
even when a thing is mentioned several times by authors of
one period and never once by those of earlier or later date;
for those authors may only be repeating a simile or illustra-
tion that had struck the fancy of their generation. And,
conversely, authors might go on repeating phrases that were
no longer applicable ; just as Plutarch and Lucian talk about
akatian sails, although these sails had probably gone out of
use some centuries before: the explanation being that the
akatians were mentioned in a famous saying of Epicuros’.

There are also the statements of the scholiasts and lexico-
graphers: but their evidence may be rejected altogether. So
far as their assertions relate to matters that admit of proof,
they are oftener wrong than right; and there is no reason for
supposing that they were any better informed on matters
‘that do not admit of proof. Such people felt bound to find
a meaning for every word or phrase that came within their
ΠΟ tange; and if they did not happen to know, they simply had
to guess.

The evidence from written sources is supplemented by
evidence from material sources. There are the ruins of the
docks at Athens to give a notion of the dimensions and
proportions of the war-ships: and there are some rams and

> Athenzos, v. 37—39, quoting Callixenos, and ν. 40—44, quoting Moschion.
See especially pp. 9, 10 and 27 to 29 as to the reasons for suspecting these
descriptions; and also note 118 on p. 5° for an example of the mode of dealing
with such evidence. © See p. 86 as to this.

Viii PREFACE.

figure-heads and anchors, but practically no other remnants
of the ships themselves. A few models have been found:
but these are all too rough to be instructive; and the chances
are against our finding the splendid model that Lysander
placed at Delphi—a trireme, three feet long, and made of
ivory and gold*. There are plenty of pictures of the ships on
painted vases and in frescos and mosaics, and figures of them
on reliefs and coins and gems and works of art of every class;
for they were constantly in favour with the artists of antiquity.
But these works of art must all be taken at a discount. In
dealing with so large a subject as a ship, an ancient artist
would seize upon some characteristics, and give prominence
to these by suppressing other features; and then would
modify the whole design to suit the space at his disposal.
Moreover, the treatment would vary with the form of art,
painters and sculptors seeing things from different points of
view; and it would vary also with the period, as art went
through its phases. So, works of art may easily be taken to
imply a difference in the ships themselves, when the difference
is only in the mode of representing them.

The greatest caution is necessary in getting this evidence

at second hand from books. If a restorer has handled the

original relief or painting, his mistakes are sure to be em-
bodied in the copy; and generally some fresh mistakes are
introduced by draughtsmen and engravers and the people
who touch up photographs. The result is that very few of the
published copies are trustworthy in every detail, while many
of them might rank as’ caricatures: and yet those copies
are handed on from book to book, and quoted as autho-
rities. But obviously the authors of these books have never
made a search for the originals, for then they would have
discovered that not a few of these supposed copies have
no originals at 411“,

4 Plutarch, Lysander, 18. 2, τριήρης, διὰ χρυσοῦ πεποιημένη καὶ ἐλέφαντος, δυεῖν
πηχῶν. ’ :

PREFACE. ix

The evidence from all sources falls short of what is
needed for a complete description of the ships; for although
our information on certain points is ample and conclusive,
there are many points on which we have no information
whatever. Practically, this is not a matter of importance, as
nobody is likely to resuscitate the ancient style of ship-
building in its entirety; and hitherto no attention has been
given to devices that might still be serviceable. Thus, for
example, the ancients saw their way to supplement a square-
sail by a triangular topsail with its base along the yard and
its apex at the top of the mast, so that no additional yard
was needed; and to reinforce the ram by a series of auxiliary
trams above, which not only increased the damage to an

¢ For example, in the last edition of Smith’s Dictionary of Greek and Roman
Antiquities, vol. ii, p. 218, there is a picture of an ancient anchor with flukes to
its arms and no stock. A note says that the picture is taken from Baumeister. It
occurs on p. 1614 in vol. iii of Baumeister’s Denkmiler des klassischen Altertums ;
and there the statement is that the picture is taken from Kekulé, and that the
original may be seen upon the balustrade round the temple of Athena Nike at
Athens. But in Kekulé’s Reliefs an der Balustrade der Athena Nike the picture
is given on p. 12 among the ZLrgdnzungsskizzen, merely as a suggestion of what
might have filled a vacant place; and on the balustrade itself there is not the
slightest trace of any anchor at all.—Again, in Smith’s Dictionary, vol. i, p. 361,8
picture of a boat, or coracle, is introduced with these remarks :—‘ The illustration,
given both by Rich and Saglio, is taken from Scheffer, De Militia Navali
Veterum, who describes it as from an ancient MS. of Vitruvius (Polenus,
Supplementum ad Grevium et Gronovium, v. p. 831).” Saglio gives the picture
on p. 915 of vol. i of Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire des Antigquités Grecques
et Romaines, saying that he took it from Scheffer, who took it from a MS. of
Vitruvius, and that Rich had given it before. Rich gives it on p. 117 of his
Dictionary of Roman and Greek Antiquities, third edition, saying that he took it
from Scheffer, who took it from a MS. of Vitruvius. But Scheffer himself, p. 81—
and Polenus reprints him rightly—says that he took it from a MS. of Vegetius.
As a matter of fact, he did not take it from Vitruvius or Vegetius or from
any MS. at all. An edition of Vegetius, De Re Militari, was printed at
Paris in August, 1532. An edition of Robertus Valturius, De Re Militari, had
been printed at the same press in July. And as the volumes were uniform, they
generally were bound up together. Scheffer took the picture from an engraving on
p- 316 of the treatise by Valturius. The engravings in this edition of Valturius
are copied from the engravings in the original edition printed at Verona in

1472, and refer to matters of that period.—This sort of thing is not at all
uncommon.

x PREFACE.

enemy, but also protected the stem from being crushed
against her sides. Such devices as these, which proved of

service in antiquity, would certainly be worth a trial on ©

modern ships.

I must warn the reader that in the passages quoted in the
notes I have silently omitted any subordinate clauses that do
not bear upon the matter in hand. And also that I have
made a rough use of round numbers in dating Egyptian
monuments; my opinion being that the evidence does not
justify the popular system of chronology.

The illustrations in plates 1 to 7 are by Mr J. A. Burt and
those in 8 by Mr H. W. Bennett. I have never seen the
originals of fgs. 10, 11, 29 to 31, and 40; but I can guarantee
the accuracy of all the rest in every point on which I cite
them as authorities. Unfortunately, the illustrations were
arranged some while ago, before the book had assumed its
present form ; and they fall short of what would be desirable.
But I hope that the complete work will contain a satisfactory
copy of every monument that can elucidate the subject.

ΘΟῊΝ

ee

τεῷ

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Ships with oars . ‘ ᾿
the oars arranged in banks.
number of oars in each bank .
auxiliary oars on sailing-ships

Dimensions of the ships
Tonnage of the ships

Materials for ship-building .
* timber

tar, paint, wax, etc. .
metal

Structure of the hull .
‘keel, ribs, skin, waling-pieces
cables for strengthening the sides .
port-holes in the sides .
beams, etc, in the interior
superstructure and upper decking
lower decks, forecastle and poop
deck-houses and turrets
ballast and bilge
the ram and its auxiliaries .
figure-heads, etc.

Anchors and cables.

Steering-gear

xii TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Rigging . f ; ‘ :
on ships of early date
in the Athenian navy .
on ships of later times
material and colour of the sails .

Flags and lights
Sounding-lead, log, etc.
Ship’s boat

Appendix on types of ships

Index to subjects

Index to technical terms
Greek
Latin .

Index to authorities

Index to illustrations

Illustrations

PAGE
78—08.
78.

82.

87.

96.

99, 100.
IOI, 102
103, 104.
105—124.
125—127.
128—132
128.

131.
133—1 36.
137—139.

at end

ANCIENT SHIPS.

THE Mediterranean is a sea where a vessel with sails may
lie becalmed for days together, while a vessel with oars could
easily be traversing the smooth waters, with coasts and

islands everywhere at hand to give her shelter in case of
storm. In that sea, therefore, oars became the characteristic
instruments of navigation; and the arrangement of oars, the
chief problem in shipbuilding. And so long as the Mediter-
ranean nations dominated Western Europe, vessels of the
southern type were built upon the northern coasts, though
there generally was wind enough here for sails and too much
wave for oars. But afterwards the nations of Western Europe
filled the Mediterranean with sailing-vessels of the types they
had devised for voyages on the Ocean; and oars finally gave
place to sails. Yet, only a few years before sails began in
their turn to give place to steam, oars were still employed
on vessels of considerable size that were intended for the
Mediterranean alone; and probably would have been more
generally employed there, had there still been an adequate
Supply of galley-slaves. In the ancient world, however, ἴῃς μη΄.
_fower was not usually a slave: and it is ἃ strange fact that
Athenian citizens in the age of Pericles, who were in no wise
unconscious of their own transcendent gifts, willingly laboured
δὲ the oar to generate a mechanical force that was directed
by the intelligence of others.

tay τ. a

2 THE EARLIEST SHIPS WITH OARS,

The art of rowing can first be discerned upon the Nile. |
Boats with oars, as in fg. 2, are represented in the earliest
pictorial monuments of Egypt, dating from about 2500 B.C. :
and although some crews are paddling with their faces
towards the bow, others are rowing with their faces towards —
the stern. The paddling is certainly the older practice; for
the hieroglyph chen depicts two arms grasping an oar in the
attitude of paddling, and the hieroglyphs were invented in
the earliest ages. And that practice may really have ceased
before 2500 B.c., despite the testimony of monuments of that
date; for in monuments dating from about 1250 B.C. crews
are represented unmistakably rowing with their faces towards
the stern and yet grasping their oars in the attitude of
paddling, as in fgs. 3 and 5, so that even then Egyptian
artists mechanically followed the turn of the hieroglyph to —
which their hands were accustomed. In these reliefs there
are twenty rowers on the boats on the Nile, as in fg. 3, and -
thirty on the ships on the Red Sea, as in fg. 5; but in the
earliest reliefs, as in fg. 2, the number varies considerably and
seems dependent on the amount of space at the sculptor’s
disposal. In the contemporary relief representing a battle
fought in the Mediterranean about 1000 B.c. the Egyptian
war-ships, as in fg. 6, have from twelve to twenty-two rowers
apiece according to the requirements of the sculptor, while
the Asiatic war-ships, as in fgs. 7 and 8, have not any rowers
at all.

Among the Greeks the oars of a ship were collectively
termed farsos, and among the Hebrews ships of a certain ©
type were known as ships of ¢ars7f; and Tarsos and TarSsis

_—
ἢ

— ΣΝ

1 Tliad, i. 308, 309, ᾿Ατρείδης δ᾽ ἄρα νῆα θοὴν ἅλαδε προέρυσσεν, | ἐς δ᾽ ἐρέτας
ἔκρινεν ἐείκοσιν. xvi. 168—170, πεντήκοντ᾽ ἦσαν νῆες θοαί, ἧσιν ᾿Αχιλλεὺς | ἐς
Τροίην ἡγεῖτο Ad φίλος" ἐν δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἑκάστῃ | πεντήκοντ᾽ ἔσαν ἄνδρες ἐπὶ κληῖσιν
ἑταῖρο. But this last line is clearly an interpolation: the κληῖδες are not |
mentioned elsewhere in the Iliad though often mentioned in the Odyssey— _
see note 110 on p. 46—and the number of rowers is unparalleled in the Iliad —
outside the Catalogue, while the number of the ships according to the Cata- |
logue, ii. 685, would incite an interpolator to repetition. |

2 Tliad, i. 402—404, Oy’ ἑκατόγχειρον καλέσασ᾽ és μακρὸν "Ὄλυμπον, | dv |
Βριάρεων καλέουσι θεοί, ἄνδρες δέ τε πάντες | Alyalwva. ]

᾿

3 The story of the Minyze, for example, as narrated by Herodotos, iv. 148.

AND THE OARS USED ON THEM. 3

were the Greek and Hebrew names for Tarsus in Cilicia.
The coincidence suggests that this city was pre-eminent in’
furthering the use of oars upon the Mediterranean. But of
this there are no records. The early progress of the Phceni-
cians and their neighbours must be divined from the progress

of their disciples, the Greeks. In the Iliad, apart from the,»
Catalogue, the Greeks have ships with twenty rowers’: but the
allusion to Briareos, the hundred-handed giant of the Aégean,
indicates some knowledge of the fifty-oared ship which forms

so essential a feature in legends of somewhat later date, such

as those of the fifty daughters of Danaos or the fifty comrades

of Jason’. The thirty-oared ship belongs to legends of far
later date*. In the Odyssey the Greeks still have ships with
twenty_rowers, while the Phzacians at Corfu have a ship / »
with fifty*, An advance from twenty to fifty oars, without’ εἰ
intermediate steps, seems hardly possible unless a nation was
adopting. the discoveries of another: and a greater advance,
again at a single step, may be traced in the Catalogue of the
Ships, which mentions ships with fifty rowers and ships with

a hundred and eighteen®. Ships could not be indefinitely
lengthened to accommodate an increasing number of rowers; N
and consequently the oars began to be arranged in two and A
then in three banks one above another. These ships with a
hundred and eighteen rowers must’ have been two-banked
ships formed by inserting ports for eight and fifty oars in the
intervals between the tholes on ships of sixty oars. Yet the
Greeks never employed sixty-oared ships, and apparently; ,
never knew that such existed, for they had no name for’ |
them: so the invention was not theirs.

”

4 Odyssey, i. 280, v7’ dpoas épérnow ἐείκοσιν. iv. 669, ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε μοι δότε νῆα
θοὴν καὶ εἴκοσ᾽ ἑταίρους. ‘ix. 322, ὅσσον θ᾽ ἱστὸν νηὸς ἐεικοσόροιο μελαίνης.
viii. 34—36, ἀλλ᾽ ἄγε νῆα μέλαιναν ἐρύσσομεν εἰς ἅλα δῖαν | πρωτόπλοον, κούρω δὲ
δύω καὶ πεντήκοντα | κρινάσθων κατὰ δῆμον. These fifty-two men would include
κελευστής and κυβερνήτης, leaving fifty to row with one to mark time and one to
Steer; for they are described as κοῦροι, not ἐρέται or ἑταῖροι, as otherwise was
customary.

Ὁ Tliad, ii. 719, 720, ἑπτὰ νεῶν" ἐρέται δ᾽ ἐν ἑκάστῃ πεντήκοντα | ἐμβέβασαν.
509, 510, τῶν μὲν πεντήκοντα νέες κίον" ἐν δὲ ἑκάστῃ | κοῦροι Βοιωτῶν ἑκατὸν καὶ
εἴκοσι βαῖνον. These hundred and twenty men, κοῦροι, would likewise include

κελευστής and κυβερνήτης. .

a2

4 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

There is nothing to shew when or where the ancients first |
built war-ships with a single bank of oars*. But two-banked
war-ships were certainly in use in Phoenicia about—700 B.C., -
for Phoenician war-ships are represented with two banks of
oars in Assyrian sculpture of that date, as in fgs. 10 and II:
and if three-banked war-ships were built in Egypt about
600 B.C., as Herodotos relates, they probably were in use
in Phoenicia at a somewhat earlier date’. According to
Thucydides, the first ships that were built by the Greeks for
use in warfare, were built about 700 B.c. at Corinth and at
Samos; and the first three-banked war-ships that were built
for Greek fleets, were also built at Corinth; but vessels of
that type were not built in large numbers by the Greeks until

ἣ ἃ little before 500 B.c., and then chiefly in Sicily and Corfu®.

6 Various traditions about them are quoted, or misquoted, by Pliny, vil. 57,
longa nave lasonem primum navigasse Philostephanus auctor est, Hegesias Para-
lum, Ctesias Semiramim, Archemachus Aigaonem ; biremem Damastes Erythreos
fecisse, triremem Thucydides Aminoclem Corinthium, quadriremem Aristoteles
Carthaginienses, quinqueremem Mnesigiton Salaminios, sex ordinum Xenagoras
Syracusios, ab ea ad decemremem Mnesigiton Alexandrum Magnum, ad Xit~
ordines Philostephanus Ptolemeum Soterem, ad xv Demetrium Antigoni, ad XXX
Ptolemeum Philadelphum, ad xi. Ptolemaum Philopatorem.

7 Herodotos, ii. 159, παυσάμενος δὲ τῆς διώρυχος ὁ Nexws ἐτράπετο πρὸς
στρατηίας, καὶ τριήρεες αἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ βορηίῃ θαλάσσῃ ἐποιήθησαν, αἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῷ
᾿Αραβίῳ κόλπῳ" καὶ ταὐτῃσί τε ἐχρᾶτο ἐν τῷ δέοντι, k.7r.X. Nekau reigned from
610 to 594 B.c., or thereabouts. Clemens Alexandrinus, stromateis, i. 16. 76,
τούς τε Σιδωνίους (πρώτους ἀκηκόαμεν) τρίκροτον ναῦν κατασκευάσαι.

8 Thucydides, i. 13, ναυτικά τε ἐξηρτύετο ἡ Ἑλλὰς καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης μᾶλλον
ἀντείχοντο. πρῶτοι δὲ Κορίνθιοι λέγονται ἐγγύτατα τοῦ νῦν τρόπου μεταχειρίσαι
τὰ περὶ τὰς ναῦς, καὶ τριήρεις πρῶτον ἐν Κορίνθῳ τῆς Ἑλλάδος ναυπηγηθῆναι.
φαίνεται δὲ καὶ Σαμίοις ᾿Αμεινοκλῆς Κορίνθιος ναυπηγὸς ναῦς ποιήσας τέσσαρας"
ἔτη δ᾽ ἐστὶ μάλιστα τριακόσια ἐς τὴν τελευτὴν τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου ὅτε ᾿Αμεινοκλῆς
Σαμίοις ἦλθεν. 14, ὀλίγον τε πρὸ τῶν Μηδικῶν καὶ τοῦ Δαρείου θανάτου τριήρεις
περί τε Σικελίαν τοῖς τυράννοις ἐς πλῆθος ἐγένοντο καὶ Κερκυραίοις" ταῦτα γὰρ
τελευταῖα πρὸ τῆς Ξέρξου στρατείας ναυτικὰ ἀξιόλογα ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι κατέστη.
Αἰγινῆται γὰρ καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ εἴ τινες ἄλλοι βραχέα ἐκέκτηντο, καὶ τούτων τὰ
πολλὰ πεντηκοντόρους. cf. Diodoros, xiv. 42, ἀκούων γὰρ ὁ Διονύσιος ἐν Κορίνθῳ.
ναυπηγηθῆναι τριήρη πρῶτον, κιτιλ. But while Diodoros says πρῶτον ἐν Κορίνθῳ, |
Thucydides takes care to say πρῶτον ἐν Κορίνθῳ τῆς "Ἑλλάδος to save the priority |
of the Phcenicians. Thucydides can hardly mean that the Corinthians were |
building three-banked ships three centuries before the peace of 404 B.c. The
allusion to their three-banked ships is parenthetical. His meaning must be that
they were only then beginning to build war-ships of any sort. But, as to their
priority in this, see Herodotos, i. 163, of δὲ Φωκαιέες οὗτοι ναυτιλίῃσι μακρῇσι,

FROM TWO UP TO SEVEN. 5

For more than two hundred years the three-banked ships
were the largest war-ships afloat: but at length the system
of successive banks was tested thoroughly. The extant
fragments of the inventories of the Athenian dockyards merely
shew® that ships of four banks were first built there shortly
before 330 B.C. and ships of five banks in 325 Bc. But
according to Diodoros” ships of four and five banks were
built for the Syracusan fleet in 398 B.C., five-banked ships
being then built for the first time ; and according to A‘lian™
there were ships of five and six banks in that fleet forty years
later. Pliny states that ships of four and five and six banks} /
were first built at Chalcedon and Salamis and Syracuse ay VL
tively; and then Alexander the Great made the advance to
ten banks”. A whole fleet of seven-banked ships was built by

πρῶτοι Ἑλλήνων ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ τόν τε ᾿Αδρίην καὶ τὴν Τυρσηνίην καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιβηρίην
καὶ τὸν Taprnody οὗτοι εἰσι οἱ καταδέξαντες " ἐναυτίλλοντο δὲ οὐ στρογγύλῃσι νηυσὶ
ἀλλὰ πεντηκοντέροισι. Herodotos, however, may only mean that the Phoczeans
were the first Greeks to employ these war-ships on trading voyages and thus defy
the piracy in the Western Mediterranean.

® Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. b, ll. 76—79, τετρήρεις δ᾽ ἐμ μὲν τοῖς
νεωρίοις παρέδομεν [}], ἐμ πλῷ δὲ A—’Apioropadvros ἄρχοντος, 330/329 B.C.:
no. 809, col. d, ll. 87—91, τετρήρεις δ᾽ ἐμ μὲν τοῖς νεωρίοις παρέδομεν ΔΛΔΔΙΙΙ
καὶ πεντήρεις ['ll, τετρήρεις δ᾽ ἐμ πλῷ [1}}---᾿Αντικλέους ἄρχοντος, 325/324 B.C.
Ships of four and five banks are not previously mentioned in these lists.. There
is a list for the year before 325/324, no. 808, col. d, ll. 22—39; but none at present
for the years immediately before 330/329. The first eighteen four-banked ships
probably were built in two or three years, as the next thirty-two were built in five
years besides seven five-banked ships; so the Athenians probably built their first
four-banked ship in 331 or 332 B.C. |

10 Diodoros, xiv. 42, ἤρξατο δὲ (Διονύσιος) ναυπηγεῖσθαι τετρήρεις Kal πεντηρικὰ
σκάφη, πρῶτος ταύτην τὴν κατασκευὴν τῶν νεῶν ἐπινοήσας. cf. 41, διενοεῖτο yap
κατασκευάσαι ναῦς τετρήρεις καὶ πεντήρεις, οὐδέπω Kar’ ἐκείνους τοὺς χρόνους σκάφους
πεντηρικοῦ νεναυπηγημένου. 44, ἀπέστειλεν πεντήρη, πρῶτον νεναυπηγημένην.. '

Ml Αὐΐδη, varize histori, vi. 12, ναῦς μὲν ἐκέκτητο (Διονύσιος ὁ δεύτεροΞ) οὐκ
ἐλάττους τῶν τετρακοσίων, ἑξήρεις καὶ πεντήρεις" πεζῶν δὲ δύναμιν εἰς δέκα μυριάδας,
ἱππεῖς δὲ ἐννεακισχιλίους. Diodoros, xvi. 9, mentions these forces in narrating the
events of 357 B.C., so Aélian is probably referring to that date: but Diodoros says
nothing about the size of the ships.

2 Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. cf. Clemens Alexandrinus, stro-
mateis, i. 16. 75, Καρχηδόνιοι δὲ πρῶτοι τετρήρη κατεσκεύασαν, ἐναυπήγησε δὲ
αὐτὴν Βόσπορος, where the allusion to Bosporos shews that Chalcedon is meant,

not Carchedon or Carthage. The common spelling, Calchedon for Chalcedon,
would induce the error.

6 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

Alexander on the Euphrates in 323 B.C., according to Quintus
Curtius: but the other biographers of Alexander nowhere
mention ships of more than five banks”. According to
Diodoros, there were ships of six and seven banks in the
fleet of Demetrios Poliorcetes at the battle off Cyprus in
306 B.C., but none of more than five banks in the fleet of his —
opponent, Ptolemy Soter; while there had been a few ships —
of nine and ten banks in a fleet formed in 314 B.C. by —
Antigonos, the father of Demetrios, though apparently no
other ships in that fleet were of more than five banks”
Pliny states that ships of twelve and fifteen banks were built —
by Ptolemy and Demetrios respectively: and a fifteen-banked ~
ship is ascribed to Ptolemy by Pollux”. An eleven-banked ~

18 Quintus Curtius, x. 1. 19, igétur Mesopotamia pretoribus imperavit (Alex-
ander) materia in Libano monte casa devectague ad urbem Syrie Thapsacum, —
septingentarum carinas navium ponere: septiremes omnes esse, deducigue Baby- —
loniam. Cypriorum regibus imperatum, ut ὧς stuppamque et vela preberent.
The statements of Aristobulos, who was present, are cited by Arrian, anabasis, —
vii. 19, κατέλαβε δὲ (Αλέξανδρος) ἐν Βαβυλῶνι, ws λέγει ᾿Αριστόβουλος, καὶ τὸ ναυτι-
κόν " τὸ μὲν κατὰ τὸν Εὐφράτην ποταμὸν ἀναπεπλευκὸς ἀπὸ θαλάσσης τῆς ἹΠερσικῆς"
τὸ δὲ ἐκ Φοινίκης ἀνακεκομισμένον, πεντήρεις μὲν δύο τῶν ἐκ Φοινίκων, τετρήρεις δὲ
τρεῖς, τριήρεις δὲ δώδεκα, τριακοντόρους δὲ ἐς τριάκοντα" ταύτας ξυντμηθείσας κομι-
σθῆναι ἐπὶ τὸν Eigparny ποταμὸν ἐκ Φοινίκης ἐς Θάψακον πόλιν, ἐκεῖ δὲ ξυμπηχθείσας
αὖθις καταπλεῦσαι ἐς Βαβυλῶνα. λέγει δὲ ὅτι καὶ ἄλλος αὐτῷ ἐναυπηγεῖτο στόλος
τέμνοντι τὰς κυπαρίσσους τὰς ἐν τῇ Βαβυλωνίᾳ. Also by Strabo, xvi. 1. 11, τὰ πλοῖα,
τὰ μὲν ἐν Φοινίκῃ τε καὶ Κύπρῳ ναυπηγησάμενον διάλυτά τε καὶ γομφωτά, ἃ κομι-
σθέντα εἰς Θάψακον σταθμοῖς ἑπτὰ εἶτα τῷ ποταμῷ κατακομισθῆναι μέχρι Βαβυλῶνος,
τὰ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Βαβυλωνίᾳ συμπηξάμενον τῶν ἐν τοῖς ἄλσεσι καὶ τοῖς παραδείσοις κυπαρίτ-
των, And probably also by Plutarch, Alexander, 68, καὶ πλοῖα παντοδαπὰ περὶ,
Θάψακον ἐπήγνυτο. ‘Vhese statements shew that Curtius has confounded the ships
that were built on the Euphrates with those other ships that were brought over in
sections from Phoenicia; and sufficiently disprove his assertion that this fleet
consisted entirely of seven-banked ships. But possibly the word sepéivemes stands
for some word like so/u¢i/es denoting that the ships were in sections.

14 Diodoros, xx. 49, εἶχε δὲ (Πτολεμαῖος) τὰς πάσας vais μακρὰς ἑκατὸν καὶ
τετταράκοντα" τούτων δ᾽ ἦν ἡ μεγίστη πεντήρης, ἡ δ᾽ ἐλαχίστη τετρήρης. 50, αὐτὸς
δὲ (Δημήτριος) ἐκτάξας τὰς ναῦς ἀπήντα τοῖς πολεμίοις, ἔχων τὰς ἁπάσας ὀκτὼ πλείους
τῶν ἑκατὸν σὺν ταῖς πληρωθείσαις ἐκ τῶν χωρίων τῶν ληφθέντων" τούτων δ᾽ ἦσαν αἱ
μέγισται μὲν ἑπτήρεις, αἱ πλεῖσται δὲ πεντήρεις. καὶ τὸ μὲν εὐώνυμον κέρας ἐπεῖχον :
ἑπτήρεις μὲν ἑπτὰ Φοινίκων, τετρήρεις δὲ τριάκοντα τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων" ἐπίπλους δὲ
τούτοις ἔταξεν ἑξήρεις δέκα καὶ πεντήρεις ἄλλας τοσαύτας, κιτιλ. Speaking of the
two hundred and forty war-ships collected by Antigonos, he says, xix. 62, τούτων
δ᾽ ἦσαν τετρήρεις μὲν ἐνενήκοντα, πεντήρεις δὲ δέκα, ἐννήρεις δὲ τρεῖς, δεκήρεις δὲ δέκα,
ἄφρακτοι δὲ τριάκοντα. The rest presumably had the normal three banks.

FROM SEVEN UP TO SIXTEEN. 7

ship unquestionably was built by Demetrios, for the fact is
mentioned by Theophrastos, a contemporary whose position
secured him most trustworthy information”. She was built
in Cyprus; and therefore after the naval victory in 306 B.C.,
which made Demetrios master of the island and its timber.
According to Plutarch”, Demetrios had a thirteen-banked
ship in 301 B.C., and built ships of fifteen and sixteen banks
in 288 B.c. And there certainly was a ship of sixteen banks
in the Macedonian fleet a century afterwards. She was
expressly mentioned in the treaty with the Romans in
197 B.C.: her arrival in the Tiber in 167 B.C. was a memor-
able event ; and she afterwards gave her name to one of the
docks at Rome”.

Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. Pollux, i. 83, καὶ Πτολεμαίου
ναῦς, πεντεκαιδεκήρης" καὶ ᾿Αντιγόνου, τριάρμενος. For the meaning of τριάρμενος
see note [24 on p. 54.

16 Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 8. 1, ἐν Κύπρῳ γοῦν οὐκ ἔτεμνον οἱ
βασιλεῖς (τὰ δένδρα) ἅμα μὲν τηροῦντες καὶ ταμιευόμενοι ἅμα δὲ καὶ διὰ τὸ
δυσκόμιστον εἶναι. μῆκος μὲν ἦν τῶν εἰς τὴν ἑνδεκήρη τὴν Δημητρίου τμηθέντων
τρισκαιδεκαόργυιον, αὐτὰ δὲ τὰ ξύλα τῷ μήκει θαυμαστὰ καὶ ἄοζα καὶ λεῖα. This is
repeated by Pliny, xvi. 76, with some exaggerations.

7 Plutarch, Demetrius, 31, ὁ γοῦν Δημήτριος τότε προσέπεμψε τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις
ἐγκαλῶν μετρίως, ἀξιῶν δὲ τὰς ναῦς ἀπολαβεῖν, ἐν αἷς ἦν καὶ ἡ τρισκαιδεκήρης. cf. 30,
καὶ γὰρ καὶ ναῦς ἐκεῖ καὶ χρήματα καὶ γυναῖκα ἐτύγχανε καταλελοιπώς. 32, πρότερον
μὲν Σέλευκος ἑστιάσας ἐπὶ σκηνῆς ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ Δημήτριον, αὖθις δὲ Δημήτριος
ἐκεῖνον ἐν τῇ τρισκαιδεκήρει δεξάμενος. 43, στόλον δὲ νεῶν ἅμα πεντακοσίων κατα-
βαλλόμενος τὰς μὲν ἐν Πειραιεῖ τρόπεις ἔθετο, τὰς δὲ ἐν Κορίνθῳ, τὰς δὲ ἐν Χαλκίδι,
τὰς δὲ περὶ Πέλλαν, αὐτὸς ἐπιὼν ἑκασταχόσε καὶ διδάσκων ἃ χρὴ καὶ συντεχνώμενος,
ἐκπληττομένων ἁπάντων οὐ τὰ πλήθη μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ μεγέθη τῶν ἔργων " οὐδεὶς
γὰρ εἶδεν ἀνθρώπων οὔτε πεντεκαιδεκήρη ναῦν πρότερον οὔτε ἑκκαιδεκήρη. οἵ.
20, καὶ τὰς μὲν ἑκκαιδεκήρεις αὐτοῦ καὶ τὰς πεντεκαιδεκήρεις ἐθαύμαζον ἑστῶτες οἱ
πολέμιοι παρὰ τὴν γῆν αὐτῶν πλεούσας, κ.τ.λ.

18 This treaty is cited by Polybios, xviii. 27, τὰ δ᾽ αἰχμάλωτα καὶ τοὺς αὐτομόλους
ἅπαντας ἀποκαταστῆσαι Φίλιππον ‘Pwuaiois ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς χρόνοις " ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τὰς
καταφράκτους ναῦς, πλὴν πέντε σκαφῶν καὶ τῆς ἑκκαιδεκήρους, and by Livy, xxxili.
30, captivos transfugasque reddere Philippum Romanis, et naves omnes tectas
tradere preter quinque et regiam unam inhabilis prope magnitudinis, quam
sexdecim versus remorum agebant, The arrival in the Tiber is described by
Plutarch, Aimilius Paulus, 30, ἀνέπλει τὸν OvBpw ποταμὸν ἐπὶ τῆς βασιλικῆς
ἑκκαιδεκήρους κατεσκευασμένης εἰς κόσμον ὅπλοις αἰχμαλώτοις καὶ φοινικίσι καὶ
πορφύραις, ὡς καὶ πανηγυρίζειν ἔξωθεν καθάπερ εἴς τινα θριαμβικῆς θέαν πομπῆς
καὶ προαπολαύειν τοὺς Ῥωμαίους 'τῷ ῥοθίῳ σχέδην ὑπάγοντι τὴν ναῦν ἀντιπαρεξά-
Ὕοντας, and also by Livy, xlv. 35, Paulus ipse post dies paucos regia nave
ingentis magnitudinis, quam sexdecim versus remorum agebant, ornata Mace-

8 INCREASE OF THE BANKS OF OARS

War-ships of still greater size are ascribed to Ptolemy
Philadelphos and Ptolemy Philopator, who ruled Egypt from
285 to 247 B.C. and from 222 to 204 B.C. respectively. Athe-

nzos states that, besides various ships of thirteen banks or
less, Philadelphos had one ship of twenty banks and two of —
thirty banks, while Philopator built a ship of forty banks; —

and he quotes a long account of this ship from Callixenos of

Rhodes”. Plutarch states that Philopator built a ship of

forty banks, and then describes her in the phrases employed
by Athenzos, so that he is also quoting from Callixenos™.
Pliny states independently, on the authority of Philostephanos
of Cyrene, that Philadelphos and Philopator built ships of
thirty and forty banks respectively”. And these amazing
statements have partly been confirmed by an inscription that
was unearthed a few years ago in the temple of Aphrodite
at Paphos in Cyprus, namely, a dedication by the reigning

donicis spoliis non insignium tantum armorum sed etiam regiorum textilium,
adverso Tiberi ad urbem est subvectus, completis ripis obviam effusa multitudine,
both authors doubtless copying the lost description by Polybios, who was in
Rome soon afterwards and knew Paulus intimately. cf. Eutropius, iv. 8, Romam
cum ingenti pompa reditt (Paulus) in nave FPerset, que inusitate magnitudinis
Suisse traditur, adeo ut sexdecim ordines dicatur habuisse remorum. The dock is
mentioned by Polybios, xxxvi. 3, 6: οὗ παρακομισθέντες ἀσφαλῶς εἰς τὴν Ρώμην,
συνεκλείσθησαν ὁμοῦ πάντες εἰς TO τῆς ἑκκαιδεκήρους νεώριον.

19. Athenzos, v. 36, πολλῶν δ᾽ ὁ Φιλάδελῴφος βασιλέων πλούτῳ διέφερε, καὶ περὶ
πάντα ἐσπουδάκει τὰ κατασκευάσματα φιλοτίμως, ὥστε καὶ πλοίων πλήθει πάντας
ὑπερέβαλλε. τὰ γοῦν μέγιστα τῶν πλοίων ἦν παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τριακοντήρεις δύο, εἰκοσήρης
μία, τέσσαρες τρισκαιδεκήρεις, δωδεκήρεις δύο, ἑνδεκήρεις τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα, ἐννήρεις
τριάκοντα, κιτ.λ. 37, ἐπεὶ δὲ περὶ νεῶν κατασκευῆς εἰρήκαμεν, φέρ᾽ εἴπωμεν καὶ τὰ
ὑπὸ τοῦ Φιλοπάτορος βασιλέως κατεσκευασμένα σκάφη" περὶ ὧν ὁ αὐτὸς Καλλίξενος
ἱστορεῖ ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ Περὶ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας οὑτωσὶ λέγων---τὴν τεσσαρακοντήρη ναῦν
κατεσκεύασεν ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ, κιτ.ιλ. The date of Callixenos cannot be fixed. A
certain Callixenos held some high office at Rhodes about 100 B.C., for his name is
found on Rhodian coins of that period: but there is nothing to shew that he was
the historian.

0 Plutarch, Demetrius, 43, ἀλλ᾽ ὕστερον τεσσαρακοντήρη Πτολεμαῖος ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ
ἐναυπηγήσατο, μῆκος διακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα πηχῶν, ὕψος δὲ ἕως ἀκροστολίου πεντή-
κοντὰ δυεῖν δεόντων, ναύταις δὲ χωρὶς ἐρετῶν ἐξηρτυμένην τετρακοσίοις, ἐρέταις δὲ
τετρακισχιλίοις, χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὁπλίτας δεχομένην ἐπί τε τῶν παρόδων καὶ τοῦ
καταστρώματος ὀλίγῳ τρισχιλίων ἀποδέοντας. cf. Athenzeos, v. 37, τὸ μῆκος ἔχουσαν
διακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα πηχῶν... ὕψος δὲ ἕως ἀκροστολίου τεσσαράκοντα ὀκτὼ πηχῶν...
ἐδέξατο ἐρέτας πλείους τῶν τετρακισχιλίων, εἰς δὲ τὰς ὑπηρεσίας τετρακοσίους" εἰς δὲ
τὸ κατάστρωμα ἐπιβάτας τρισχιλίους, ἀποδέοντας ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα.

Φὐδδὲ

SET a των»

TO TWENTY AND THIRTY OR FORTY. 9

~~

Ptolemy of the statue of a man who is there described as the
architect of the thirty-banked ship*. There may have been a
forty-banked ship: but Callixenos seems quite untrustworthy
in his account of her. According to Diodoros*, Sesostris
built a sacred barge upon the Nile two hundred and eighty
cubits in length: and numerous representations shew, as in
fe. 3, that these sacred barges were vessels of light draught
with curiously elevated stems and sterns. Now, according to
Callixenos, the length of the forty-banked ship was two
hundred and eighty cubits, the draught was under four cubits,
and the height of the terminal ornaments at the stem and
the stern was forty-eight and fifty-three cubits respectively™.
These measurements must belong to one of those sacred
barges, probably to the one mentioned by Diodoros: and
such a barge could not possibly have forty banks of oars.

#1 Pliny, vii. 57, already quoted in note 6. Athenzeos says that Philoste-
phanos was a friend or follower of Callimachos, viii. 3, Καλλιμάχου δὲ γνώριμος,
and Callimachos died about 240 B.C.

22 This inscription is printed in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, vol. ix, p.
255 :--Β]ασιλεὺς Πτολεμαῖος | Πυργ]οτέλην Zanros ἀρχιτεκτονήσίαντα | τὴν τριακον-
τήρη καὶ εἰκ[οσήρη. The term ἀρχιτέκτων was often applied to naval-architects :
Aristotle, res publica Atheniensium, 46, χειροτονεῖ δ᾽ ἀρχιτέκτονας ὁ δῆμος ἐπὶ τὰς
ναῦς, cf. Athenzeos, v. 40, Diodoros, iv. 41.

38. Diodoros, i. 57, ἐναυπηγήσατο δὲ (Σεσόωσις) καὶ πλοῖον κέδρινον τὸ μὲν μῆκος
πηχῶν διακοσίων καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα, τὴν δ᾽ ἐπιφάνειαν ἔχον τὴν μὲν ἔξωθεν ἐπίχρυσον,
τὴν δ᾽ ἔνδοθεν κατηγυρωμένην᾽" καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἀνέθηκε τῷ θεῷ τῷ μάλιστα ἐν Θήβαις
τιμωμένῳ, K.T.A. This statement is not incredible. According to the Harris
papyrus—plate 7, line 5, in Birch’s facsimile—Ramessu III provided the great
god at Thebes with a vessel of cedar-wood, decorated with bronze and gold,
and a hundred and thirty cubits in length.

34. Athenzos, v. 37, τὴν τεσσαρακοντήρη ναῦν κατεσκεύασεν ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ, τὸ
μῆκος ἔχουσαν διακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα πηχῶν, ὀκτὼ δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα ἀπὸ παρόδου
ἐπὶ πάροδον, ὕψος δὲ ἕως ἀκροστολίου τεσσαράκοντα ὀκτὼ πηχῶν, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν

᾿ πρυμνητικῶν ἀφλάστων. ἐπὶ τὸ πρὸς τῇ θαλάσσῃ μέρος αὐτῆς τρεῖς πρὸς τοῖς

πεντήκοντα WHXELS...... ὕστερον δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ Φοινίκης τις ἐπενόησε τὴν καθολκήν,
τάφρον ὑποστησάμενος ἴσην τῇ νηὶ κατὰ μῆκος, ἣν πλησίον τοῦ λιμένος ὦρυξε.
ταύτῃ δὲ τοὺς θεμελίους κατῳκοδόμησε λίθῳ στερεῷ πρὸς πέντε πήχεις τὸ βάθος,
καὶ διὰ τούτων φάλαγγας ἐπικαρσίας κατὰ πλάτος τῆς τάφρου διώσας συνεχεῖς,
τετράπηχυν εἰς βάθος τόπον ἀπολιπούσας. καὶ ποιήσας εἴσρουν ἀπὸ τῆς θαλάσσης
ἐνέπλησεν αὐτῆς πάντα τὸν ὀρυχθέντα τόπον, εἰς ὃν ῥᾳδίως ἀπὸ τῶν τυχόντων
ἀνδρῶν εἰσήγαγε τὴν ναῦν. As the ship was floated into the dock, and the dock
was only four cubits in depth, the ship must have drawn less than four cubits of
water.

fe) SIZE AND WEIGHT OF THE OARS.

According to Callixenos, the longest oars on the alleged
forty-banked ship were thirty-eight _ cubits “ir in length, the
“extreme breadth of the ship also being thirty-eight cubits, or

Recerca feet. And he adds that they were weighted with
~~ 28% lead inboard to balance*the excessive length outboard: but
this statement may safely be referred to the sacred barge
from which he has evolved his ship, as some such weights
are represented on the steering-oars of the sacred barge in
fg. 3, and none are elsewhere ascribed to any ancient war-
ship”. The oars of a three-banked ship must all have been
of very moderate size and weight ; for a crew could make a
forced march when each man was carrying his oar and its
appurtenances”. In war-ships there were always as many
rowers as oars: but in some smaller vessels the oars were
light enough to be sculled in pairs”.

Of the two hundred oars* which an Athenian three-banked
ship carried for her crew of two hundred men, a hundred and
seventy belonged to the three banks, while the remaining’
thirty were ferinedt—a term which also denoted the men who
did not row in the banks™. These thirty men must have
worked these thirty oars from above the upper decking, for

35. Athenzos, v. 37, πηδάλια δ᾽ εἶχε τέτταρα τριακονταπήχη, κώπας δὲ θρανιτικὰς
ὀκτὼ καὶ τριάκοντα πηχῶν τὰς μεγίστας, at, διὰ τὸ μόλυβδον ἔχειν ἐν τοῖς ἐγχειριδίοις
καὶ γεγονέναι λίαν εἴσω βαρεῖαι κατὰ τὴν ζύγωσιν, εὐήρεις ὑπῆρχον ἐπὶ τῆς χρείας.
The extreme breadth of the ship is determined by the words already quoted in
note 24, ὀκτὼ δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα (πηχῶν) ἀπὸ παρόδου ἐπὶ πάροδον.

*6 Thucydides, ii. 93, ἐδόκει δὲ λαβόντα τῶν ναυτῶν ἕκαστον τὴν κώπην καὶ
τὸ ὑπηρέσιον καὶ τὸν τροπωτῆρα πεζῇ ἰέναι ἐκ ἹΚορίνθου ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς ᾿Αθήνας
θάλασσαν, καὶ ἀφικομένους κατὰ τάχος ἐς Μέγαρα, καθελκύσαντας ἐκ Νισαίας τοῦ
vewplov αὐτῶν τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς al ἔτυχον αὐτόθι οὖσαι, πλεῦσαι εὐθὺς ἐπὶ τὸν —
Πειραιᾶ. I

*7 Thucydides, iv. 67, ἀκάτιον ἀμφηρικὸν ws λῃσταὶ εἰώθεσαν ἐπὶ ἁμάξῃ διὰ τῆς
τάφρου κατακομίζειν τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἐκπλεῖν, cf. Leonidas of
Tarentum, in the Anthology, vi. 4. 6, καὶ τοὺς ἐξ ἀκάτων διχθαδίους ἐρέτας. ;
Lucian, Charon, 1, ἐγὼ δὲ πρεσβύτης ὧν τὴν δικωπίαν ἐρέττω μόνος. Aristo-
phanes, ecclesiazuse, 1091, πῶς οὖν δικωπεῖν ἀμφοτέρας δυνήσομαι; Synesios, ὶ
epistole, p. 165, ἧκεν ἐπὶ κελητίου δισκάλμου. Cicero, de oratore, i. 38, cétins
hercule is, gui duorum scalmorum naviculam in portu everterit, in Euxino ponto
Argonautarum navem gubernarit. Livy, xxiv. 40, legatt venerunt nuntiantes
Philippum primum Apolloniam tentasse, lembis biremibus centum viginti flumine —
adverso subvectum, deinde etc., cf. Virgil, georgics, i. 201, 202, gut adverso vix
flumine lembum | remigiis subigit.

OARS FOR SHIPS OF THREE BANKS. {I

there certainly was not any space for them below. As
for the other hundred and seventy oars, sixty-two of these
belonged to the upper bank, and fifty-four to each of the
lower banks: yet fifty-eight, as the mean between fifty-four
and sixty-two, would naturally be the number of oars for the
middle bank. In the earliest two-banked ships with a hundred
and eighteen rowers” there clearly were fifty-eight in the
lower bank and sixty in the upper bank, the lower oars being
inserted in the spaces between the tholes on a sixty-oared
ship. Apparently two oars were added, whereby the upper
bank obtained four oars more than the bank below, and then
a third bank was added with four oars less than the bank
above; a three-banked ship therefore requiring a hundred
and seventy-four rowers. And the Athenians perhaps found
afterwards that more hands were needed for other purposes,
and diminished the number of rowers rather than increase the
crew and thereby complicate their estimates for pay; for with
a crew of exactly two hundred men a talent a month a ship
gave a drachm a day a man, thirty mnas a month a ship gave
three obols a day a man, and so forth®.

*8 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 797, col. a, ll. 17—24, col. Ὁ, Il. 6—13,
24—31, col. ὁ, ll. 39—46, no. 798, col. a, Il. r1o—17, 27—34, col. Ὁ, ll. 18—25,
no. 800, col. a, ll. 52—59, giving a total of two hundred oars in the last seven
instances, κῶπαι Opavirides FLAIl, ζύγιαι UII, θαλάμιαι PIII, περίνεῳ ΔΔΔ,
and doubtless in the first instance also, although the mason has there cut PIAIII|
for FIA, presumably by repetition of the III] from the ends of the adjacent
lines. The full numbers occur elsewhere in the extant fragments of the in-

ventories, but not in groups that give a total. Lower numbers often occur, as
many oars were missing.

39. Thucydides, i. 10, αὐτερέται δὲ ὅτι ἦσαν Kal μάχιμοι πάντες, ἐν ταῖς Φιλοκτήτου.

ναυσὶ ("Opunpos) δεδήλωκεν ᾿ τοξότας γὰρ πάντας πεποίηκε τοὺς προσκώπους. περίνεως
δὲ οὐκ εἰκὸς πολλοὺς ξυμπλεῖν ἔξω τῶν βασιλέων. καὶ τῶν μάλιστα ἐν τέλει. οἵ.
Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 11, quoted in note 45 on p. 17. Dion Cassius,
xlix. 1, καὶ τοὺς δούλους τοὺς τριηρίτας ἠλευθέρωσε, τούς τε περίνεως ἐς TO τοῦ
᾿Αντωνίου ναυτικὸν ὀλιγανδροῦν κατέταξεν.

0 Iliad, ii. 509, 510, already quoted in note § on p. 3.

81 Thucydides, vi. 31, τοῦ μὲν δημοσίου δραχμὴν τῆς ἡμέρας τῷ ναύτῃ ἑκάστῳ
διδόντος καὶ ναῦς παρασχόντος καινὰς ἑξήκοντα μὲν ταχείας τεσσαράκοντα δὲ ὁπλιτα-
γωγούς, cf. 8, ἑξήκοντα τάλαντα ἀσήμου ἀργυρίου ὡς ἐς ἑξήκοντα ναῦς μηνὸς μισθόν.
Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 5. 5—7, ὁ δὲ (Κῦρος) καλῶς μὲν ἔφη αὐτοὺς λέγειν, οὐ
δυνατὸν δ᾽ εἶναι παρ᾽ ἃ βασιλεὺς ἐπέστειλεν αὐτῷ ἄλλα ποιεῖν. εἶναι δὲ καὶ τὰς

/|

εν

[2 OARS FOR SHIPS OF FOUR BANKS

The number of oars in the four-banked ships is nowhere
recorded: but in the inventories of the Athenian dockyards a
complete set is valued at six hundred and sixty-five drachms.
If every bank was intended to contain four oars more than
the bank below, a four-banked ship could carry sixty-six oars

ν in her upper bank; and, including thirty perizedt, would thus ~
have two hundred and sixty-six altogether. This number
gives exactly two drachms and a half for each oar, while the
neighbouring numbers give improbably complicated prices:
and that price seems highly probable, for condemned oars
were then being sold for two drachms apiece, and timbers
bought for three drachms apiece to make new oars”. The
five-banked ships in the Roman and Carthaginian fleets in

Ki 256 B.C. each carried three hundred rowers besides the com-

7 batants®. With fifty-four oars in the lowest bank and four
more in each succeeding bank, a five-banked ship would have
three hundred and ten oars in the banks, and therefore three
hundred rowers approximately—or perhaps exactly, if here

Sal til, tea

συνθήκας οὕτως ἐχούσας, τριάκοντα μνᾶς ἑκάστῃ νηὶ τοῦ μηνὸς διδόναι, ὁπόσας ἂν
βούλωνται τρέφειν Λακεδαιμόνιοι. ὁ δὲ Λύσανδρος τότε μὲν ἐσιώπησε᾽ μετὰ δὲ τὸ
δεῖπνον, ἐπεὶ αὐτῷ προπιὼν ὁ Κῦρος ἤρετο τί ἂν μάλιστα χαρίζοιτο ποιῶν, εἶπεν
ὅτι Hi πρὸς τὸν μισθὸν ἑκάστῳ ναύτῃ ὀβολὸν προσθείης. ἐκ δὲ τούτου τέτταρες ὀβολοὶ
ἦν ὁ μισθός, πρότερον δὲ τριώβολον.

2 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 809, col. ς, ll. 210---214, παρὰ Νεοπτολέμου

Aexehéws ταῤῥοῦ τετρηριτικοῦ ἀπελάβομεν [AHAIAT™ > ὃν ἔλαβεν ἐπὶ τὴν Σειρῆνα,
᾿Αριστοκράτους ἔργον, ll. 215—225, παρὰ Λυσανίου Louriéws...rappod ἀργοῦ, ὃν οὐκ

ἀνεγέγραπτο ἔχων, ὃν εἶχεν ὧν Δημάδης εἰσεπρίατο, ἀπελάβομεν ΗΗΗΗΔΓ,,
cf. col. b, Il. 115, 116, ταῤῥοὺς ἐπὶ τετρήρεις, ods Δημάδης elcerplaro. ‘The first
payment is apparently in full; but the second must be merely on account, the
round sum of 250 drachms remaining due, for the oars would be worth more than
415 drachms, even when condemned. Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 803, col. ¢,
ll. 129—139, Εὔθυνος Λαμπτρεύς, ταμίας γενόμενος τριηροποικῶν ἐπὶ ᾿Αρχίου ἄρχον-
τος, ΧΧΧΙΒΗ, ἀπολαβὼν κώπας παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐκ τοῦ νεωρίου τῶν παραδοθεισῶν, ὧν
αὐτὸς εἰσήνεγκεν, ἀδοκίμους χιλίας ὀκτακοσίας, no. 811, col. ς, Il. 122—128, τοὺς
τῶν νεωρίων ἐπιμελητὰς τοὺς ἐφ᾽ ᾿Ηγησίου ἄρχοντος ἀναγράψαι Σώπολιν ἀποδεδωκότα
τῶν κωπέων ἑκάστου FEF δραχμὰς τῶν εἰσενηνεγμένων αὐτῷ εἰς τὸ νεώριον. These
κωπεῖς were κώπαι in the rough.

% Polybios states that 330 Roman ships fought 350 Carthaginian ships at
the battle of Ecnomos in 256 B.c., and that these were five-banked ships,
i, 25, ἹῬΡωμαῖοι μὲν τριάκοντα καὶ τριακοσίαις μακραῖς ναυσὶ καταφράκτοις, Καρχη-

AND FIVE BANKS AND EIGHT BANKS. 13

again some of the banks were not fully manned. Subse-
quently the rowers in such five-banked ships were reckoned
roughly at four hundred™. And an increase in the number
of oars was certainly to be expected: for under that system
of constructing every bank for four oars more than the bank
below, the lower banks would prove disproportionately short
in ships of ten or sixteen banks; so that. some new system
would be devised for these larger ships, and then applied in
course of time to the five-banked ships and possibly to the
three-banked ships themselves. Nothing is known for certain
about the number or arrangement of the oars in ships of more
than five banks. It is said that as early as 280 B.C. there was
an eight-banked ship in the fleet of Heracleia on the Black
Sea with a hundred rowers in each file, and consequently
eight hundred on each side, or sixteen hundred altogether.
Thus, at least, Photios transcribes Memnon: but the multi-
plication of the numbers reads like a gloss of his own; and
these files must be the banks themselves, not the lines of

δόνιοι δὲ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριακοσίαις ναυσὶ καταφράκτοις, i. 63, μικρῷ λείπουσιν
ἑπτακοσίοις σκάφεσι πεντηρικοῖς ἐναυμάχησαν πρὸς ἀλλήλους. He calculates that
the Romans had about 140,000 men afloat, reckoning 300 rowers and 120
combatants for each ship, i. 26, καὶ τὸ μὲν σύμπαν ἦν στράτευμα τούτων τῆς
ναυτικῆς δυνάμεως περὶ τέτταρας καὶ δέκα μυριάδας: ὡς ἂν ἑκάστης ἰδίᾳ νεὼς
λαμβανούσης ἐρέτας μὲν τριακοσίους, ἐπιβάτας δὲ ἑκατὸν εἴκοσι. And he estimates
that the Carthaginians had over 150,000 men afloat, judging by the number
of their ships, i. 26, τό ye μὴν πλῆθος αὐτῶν ἦν ὑπὲρ πεντεκαίδεκα μυριάδας,
κατὰ τὸν τῶν νεῶν λόγον. He therefore reckons a Carthaginian crew at practically
the same figure as a Roman crew.

34 Pliny, xxxii. 1, cum e tota classe quinqueremis sola non proficeret, exsilientibus_
protinus qui quererent circa navem, invenere (auspicalem pisciculum) adherentem
gubernaculo, ostenderuntgue Gato, indignanti hoc fuisse quod se revocaret, quad-
ringentorumque remigum obsequio contra se intercederet. cf. Silius Italicus, xiv.
384—388, medias inter sublimior ibat | terribilis visu puppis, qua nulla per
omne | egressa est Libycis mator navalibus evum:\| nam quater hec centum
numeroso remige pontum | pulsabat tonsis. Silius and Pliny were contemporary :
but Pliny is speaking of a ship of 40 A.D., and Silius of a ship of 212B.c. The
Romans captured a seven-banked ship from the Carthaginians at the battle of
Myle in 2608.c.; and Silius must have known this, for the capture is recorded on
the Columna Rostrata of Duilius: see Corp. Inscr. Latin. vol. i, no. 195. Silius
is therefore allowing 400 rowers for a ship of seven banks at least : and this allow-
ance seems too small, seeing that there were then 300 rowers on a ship of five
banks.

14 OARS ON TRANSPORTS FOR CAVALRY.

rowers, for a bank of two hundred oars is beyond belief™,
On the forty-banked ship, if Callixenos may be believed,
there were about four thousand rowers; and therefore upon
the average a hundred rowers for every bank of oars®. In |
both these cases the total seems to be deduced from a state- —
ment that there were a hundred oars in every bank: and —
such statements might not be strictly true, for ships of a
single bank were sometimes said grandiloquently to have
a hundred oars, although they never had more than fifty or
sixty”.

The two hundred oars of an Athenian three-banked ship
were reduced to sixty when she was employed as a transport
for cavalry. She then carried thirty horses; or a horse for
each of the thirty spaces between the tholes of the upper
bank®. The hold being now required for the horses, the
oars in the banks could not be worked for want of space,
and the oars above the upper decking would alone be avail-

35 Memnon, Fr. 13, apud Photium, p. 226, ἦσαν δ᾽ ἐν αὐταῖς ἄλλαι τε καὶ τῆς
Ἡρακλείας ai μετάπεμπτοι, ἑξήρεις te καὶ πεντήρεις καὶ ἄφρακτοι, καὶ ὀκτήρης pla 7
Λεοντοφόρος καλουμένη, μεγέθους ἕνεκα καὶ κάλλους ἥκουσα εἰς θαῦμα" ἐν ταύτῃ γὰρ
ἑκατὸν μὲν ἄνδρες ἕκαστον στοῖχον ἤρεττον, ὡς ὀκτακοσίους ἐκ θατέρου μέρους γενέσθαι,
ἐξ ἑκατέρων δὲ χιλίους καὶ ἑξακοσίους, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων μαχησόμενοι
χίλιοι καὶ διακόσιοι, καὶ κυβερνῆται δύο. The sixteenth book of Memnon’s history
ended with 46 B.c., and that book was not the last, οἵ, Photios, pp. 239, 240; so
he probably lived some generations later. Photios made his transcript about —
850 A.D. He clearly takes στοῖχος to mean a line of rowers; but in the
passage quoted in note 43 on p. 16, Aristeides uses στοῖχος to denote a bank
of oars, and he was probably a contemporary of Memnon. The credi-
bility of the figures is not enhanced by the statement about the combatants. A
ship of eight banks would hardly carry 1200 at a time when ships of five banks
carried only 120: see note 33.

*6 Athenzos, v. 37, and Plutarch, Demetrius, 43, both quoted already in note ‘
20 on p. 8. j

87 Pollux, i. 82, éxardvropos, πεντηκόντορος, τριακόντορος, eixdcopos. The term i
éxarévropos must refer, like the rest, to ships of a single bank: but there is no
ground for thinking that such ships ever had an hundred oars. §

88 Thucydides, vi. 43, καὶ ἱππαγωγῷ μιᾷ τριάκοντα ἀγούσῃ ἱππέας. This wasin
415 B.C. The same arrangement may perhaps be traced in the navy of the kings _
of Pergamos in 168 B.c. Livy, xliv. 28, mentions gucngue et triginta naves, quas
hippagogos vocant, cum equitibus Gallis equisque, and then says octingenti ferme
Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti, clearly meaning that they were all killed or
captured. He therefore reckons them roughly as a thousand: and they would
have numbered a thousand and fifty, if those thirty-five ships carried thirty apiece.

SHIPS OF ONE BANK AND A HALF. 15

able: so the perinedt oars must have been doubled in number,
while the rest were withdrawn”. Superannuated three-banked
ships were first utilized as cavalry-transports at Athens in
430 B.C.; transports having previously been expressly built
for cavalry”.

Some anomalous ships termed hemioliat and triemioliai
are first mentioned about 350 B.c., and thereafter frequently.
These would technically be ships of a bank and a half, but
must really be two-banked ships of an abnormal type. In
the contemporary three-banked ships the men described as
perineot rowed an additional half-bank of oars from above
the upper decking, and could presumably do likewise in two-
banked ships of the same build: but if the build made this
impossible, they would have to man half an ordinary bank ;
and their oars would not count in numbering the banks, since
they were ferineot. Thus, as three practically meant three
and a half, one and a half would practically mean two”.

39 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. b, ll. 42—66, τριήρεις τάσδε
ἱππηγούς, .... Τνώμη---κώπας [ΑἸΔ.....᾿Ασκληπιάς---κώπας PIA, ... Καλλιξένα---κώπας

FIA, no. 808, col. b, Il. 8, 9, καὶ ἱππηγῶν τριῶν ταῤῥούς, κώπας ἑκάστης PIA,

40 Thucydides, ii. 56, ἦγε δὲ (Περικλῆς) ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν ὁπλίτας ᾿Αθηναίων τετρα-
κισχιλίους, καὶ ἱππέας τριακοσίους ἐν ναυσὶν ἱππαγωγοῖς πρῶτον τότε ἐκ τῶν παλαιῶν
νεῶν ποιηθείσαις. Herodotos, vi. 95, παρεγένοντο δὲ καὶ αἱ ἱππαγωγοὶ νέες, τὰς τῷ
προτέρῳ ἔτει προεῖπε τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ δασμοφόροισι Δαρεῖος ἑτοιμάζειν, cf. 48, κελεύων
νέας τε μακρὰς καὶ ἱππαγωγὰ πλοῖα ποιέεσθαι.

41 Theophrastos, characteres, 25. 1; Arrian, anabasis, iii. 2. 4, vi. 1. 1, 18. 3;
Diodoros, xvi. 61. 4, xix. 65. 2, xx. 93. 3; Polybios, v. 101. 2, xvi. 2. 10, 3. 4;
3-14, 7- 1, 7- 3; Appian, de rebus Punicis, 75, de bello Mithridatico, 92; etc.
The term ἡμιολία rightly describes one and a half as a whole and a half: but the
term τριημιολία seems formed on false analogy with words like τριημιπόδιον, which
describe one and a half as three halves, the 6A in τριημιολία being thus ignored.
The form τριηρημιολίας occurs in Athenzos, v. 36, τὰ δ᾽ ἀπὸ τετρήρους μέχρι
τριηρημιολίας, but is plainly a corruption from τριήρεις and ἡμιολίας which occur in
the parallel passage, Appian, preefatio, 10, τριήρεις δ᾽ ἀπὸ ἡμιολίας μέχρι πεντήρους,
where τριήρεις is used as ἃ generic term for war-ships. The existence of three
banks of oars on the τριημιολίαι is not to be inferred from Polybios, xvi. 3,
ὑποπεσούσης γὰρ αὐτῇ (τῇ Sexhper) τριημιολίας, ταύτῃ δοῦσα πληγὴν βιαίαν κατὰ
μέσον τὸ κῦτος ὑπὸ τὸν θρανίτην σκαλμόν, ἐδέθη, τοῦ κυβερνήτου τὴν ὁρμὴν τῆς
νεὼς οὐκέτι δυνηθέντος ἀναλαβεῖν. The expression θρανίτης σκαλμός would certainly
refer to the upper bank on ἃ three-banked ship: but it would also refer to the
upper bank in any ship with more than one. Thus Athenzos speaks of the
longest oars in the forty-banked ship as κώπας θρανιτικάς, v. 37.

16 THE LIBURNIANS AND DROMONS

The Liburnians used to build very handy two-banked ships
for their irregular warfare in the Adriatic;~and soon after
50 B.c. the Romans took these as models for their own two-
banked ships“. This type may perhaps be recognized in the ~
Roman two-banked ship in fg. 25. The Greeks had made
rieres, a three-banked ship, a generic term for war-ships®,
though some had more banks than three and some had less.
And in course of time the Romans made /zburna, a two-banked
ship, a similar generic term; applying it indiscriminately
about 400 A.D. to war-ships of every rate from those of οὔθ
bank to those of five banks—for apparently they still had such
ships in the West, though in the East their largest war-ships
were merely of two banks“. But about 500 A.D. the Byzan-

42 Appian, de rebus Illyricis, 3, καὶ ναυτικοὶ μὲν ἐπὶ rots ᾿Αρδιαίοις ἐγένοντο
Λιβυρνοί, “γένος ἕτερον ᾿Ιλλυριῶν, ot τὸν ᾿Ιόνιον καὶ τὰς νήσους ἐλήστευον ναυσὶν
ὠκείαις τε καὶ κούφαις. ὅθεν ἔτι νῦν Ῥωμαῖοι τὰ κοῦφα καὶ ὀξέα δίκροτα Λιβυρνίδας
προσαγορεύουσιν. See also note on /emédi on p. 115 as to the style of shipbuilding
adopted in Illyria. The employment of Liburnian ships in Roman fleets is”
mentioned by Czesar, de bello civili, iii. 5, 9, in 48 B.c. and by Horace,
epodes, i. 1, in 31 B.C.; and subsequently by Lucan, iii. 534, with reference
to 49 B.c. These ships never had ten banks of oars: the reading deceris is
merely a foolish emendation for de cedris in Suetonius, Caligula, 37, fabricavit
et de cedris Liburnicas gemmatis puppibus, versicoloribus velis, etc. There were
only two banks, Lucan, iii. 529—536, cormua Romane classis, valideque
triremes, | guasgue quater surgens exstructi remigis ordo | commovet, et plures
que mergunt equore pinus, | multiplices cinxere rates. hoc robur aperto \ op-
positum pelago. lunata fronte recedunt | ordine contente gemino crevisse
Liburne. | celsior at cunctis Bruti pretoria puppis | verberibus senis agitur.
Thus in inscriptions the Romans described ships as six-banked, five-banked,
four-banked, three-banked, and Liburnian: see Corp. Inscr. Latin. vol. x,
index, p. 1128, aves.

43 Appian, preefatio, το, τριήρεις δὲ ἀπὸ ἡμιολίας μέχρι πεντήρου. ALlius”
Aristeides, Rhodiaca, p. 341, τριήρεις δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις ὑπῆρχεν ἰδεῖν δικρότους καὶ
τρικρότους καὶ εἰς ἑπτὰ καὶ εἰς. ἐννέα στοίχους.

44 Vegetius, iv. 37, guod ad magnitudinem pertinet, minime liburne remorum
habent singulos ordines, paulo maiores binos, idonee mensure ternos vel quaternos
interdum quinos sortiuntur remigio gradus. nec hoc cuiguam enorme videatur,
cum in Actiaco prelio longe maiora referantur concurrisse navigia, ut senorum
etiam vel ultra ordinum fuerint. But this usage is not adopted by his con-
temporary, Zosimos, v. 20, ἐπεμελεῖτο δὲ (Ppaoviros) καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ" πλοῖα γὰρ
ἦν αὐτῷ πρὸς ναυμαχίαν ἀρκοῦντα, Λίβερνα ταῦτα καλούμενα, ἀπό τινος πόλεως ἐν
Ἰταλίᾳ κειμένης ὀνομασθέντα, καθ᾽ ἣν ἐξ ἀρχῆς τούτων τῶν πλοίων τὸ εἶδος ἐναυ-
πηγήθη. δοκοῦσι δέ πως τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα ταχυναυτεῖσθαι πεντηκοντόρων οὐχ ἧττον,
κατὰ πολὺ τῶν τριηρικῶν ἐλαττούμενα, πλείστοις ἔτεσι τῆς τούτων ἐκλιπούσης

OF THE ROMANS AND BYZANTINES. 17

tines introduced dvomon as a generic term for war-ships,
calling them racers in allusion to their superiority to mer-
chant-ships in speed. In the Byzantine fleet at this time
they were ships of a single bank, but those built in Italy for
the fleet at Ravenna were three-banked ships“. Unfortu-
nately, the contemporary mosaic at Ravenna in fg. 39 repre-
sents the fleet in the harbour there very unintelligently.

The arrangement of the oars in Byzantine war-ships is
clearly described in a treatise attributed by tradition to Leo
VI, but apparently reduced to its present form during the
reign of his son and successor Constantine VII. No ship had
more than two banks of oars. Every two-banked ship had at
least twenty-five oars on each side of each bank, or a hundred

δημιουργίας, εἰ καὶ Πολύβιος ὁ συγγραφεὺς ἐκτίθεσθαί πως ἔδοξε τῶν ἑξηρικῶν πλοίων
τὰ μέτρα, οἷς φαίνονται πολλάκις Ῥωμαῖοι καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι πολεμήσαντες πρὸς
ἀλλήλους. Zosimos obviously is describing two-banked ships as πλοῖα Λίβερνα,
just as he describes three-banked ships as πλοῖα τριηρικά and ships of a single bank
as πεντηκόντοροι, his notion being simply that ships of two banks are superior to
ships of one bank but inferior to ships of three banks. The vague usage is
sanctioned by Tacitus, Germania, 9, signum ipsum in modum liburne figuratum,
ie. 7525 navigium. And by Pliny, ix. 5, ceu liburnicarum rostris fodiunt, ix. 47,
liburnicarum ludens imagine, x. 32, liburnicarum modo, rostrato impetu feruntur,
xvi. 17, liburnicarum ad usus. ‘Tacitus and Pliny clearly are treating the
Liburnians as a representative class of ships; for in these comparisons nothing
turns on any peculiarity in the build.

4 Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 11, ἦσαν δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ πλοῖα μακρά, ws és
ναυμαχίαν παρεσκευασμένα, ἐνενήκοντα δύο, μονήρη μέντοι Kal ὀροφὰς ὕπερθεν ἔχοντα,
ὅπως οἱ ταῦτα ἐρέσσοντες πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ὡς ἥκιστα βάλλοιντο. δρόμωνας καλοῦσι
τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα οἱ νῦν ἄνθρωποι" πλεῖν yap κατὰ τάχος δύνανται μάλιστα. ἐν τούτοις
δὴ Βυζάντιοι δισχίλιοι ἔπλεον, αὐτερέται πάντες" περίνεως yap ἦν ἐν τούτοις οὐδείς.
This certainly does not imply that these ninety-two ships carried only two thousand
rowers altogether, or hardly more than twenty rowers apiece. The point is that
the two thousand Byzantines helped to row the ships, though normally exempted
from this drudgery as combatants. Leo, tactica, xix. 1, ἐπὶ θαλάσσης μάχεσθαι
διὰ τῶν ποτε λεγομένων τριήρων, νῦν δὲ δρομῶνων καλουμένων. Cassiodorus,
epistolz varice, v. 16, cum nostrum igitur animum frequens cura pulsaret naves
Ltaliam non habere, decrevimus mille interim dromones fabricandos assumere.
17, venuntias illico completum quod vix credi poterat inchoatum. obtulisti oculis
nostris subtto classeam silvam hominum, domos aquatiles, exercituales pedes: trireme
vehiculum, remorum tantum numerum prodens sed hominum facies diligenter
abscondens—hoc primum instituisse legimus Argonautas...ad urbem Ravennatam
congregatio navinm cuncta conveniat. Both those despatches are from Theodoric
to Abundantius. For the expression ¢rireme vehiculum, cf. Paulinus Nolanus,
poemata, xxiv. 72, guadriremis machina.

‘A b

18 NUMBER AND POSITION OF THE OARS

altogether ; and each oar was worked by one man. The two-
banked ships were of two sizes. The smaller carried at least
.a hundred men for rowing and fighting. The larger carried
at least two hundred men; and in action fifty rowed in the
lower bank, while a hundred and fifty fought above*. Ships
of this type were employed by Constantine VII. for an attack
on Crete in 949 A.D. The smaller had a company of a
hundred and eight or ten men; and the larger had a double
company of two hundred and twenty men with one hundred —
and twenty oars. But ships of another type were also em-_
ployed: the smaller carrying a hundred and twenty men, and
the larger a hundred and fifty”. Asa hundred men sufficed
for two banks of oars, these ships presumably were also of two
banks. Ten men more were carried on the ships of this type”
that were employed by Leo VI. for an attack on Crete about
906 A.D.; or a hundred and thirty in the smaller, and a
hundred and sixty in the larger. The larger ships of the
other type were also employed, but not the smaller. They —
also carried ten men more at that time, or two hundred and

46 Leo, tactica, xix. 7, ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν δρομώνων εὐμήκης ἔστω καὶ σύμμετρος,
ἔχων μὲν τὰς λεγομένας ἐλασίας δύο, τήν τε κάτω καὶ τὴν ἄνω. 8, ἑκάστη δὲ ἐχέτω.
ζυγοὺς τὸ ἐλάχιστον πέντε καὶ εἴκοσιν, ἐν οἷς οἱ κωπηλάται καθεσθήσονται. ws εἶνο
ζυγοὺς τοὺς ἅπαντας κάτω μὲν εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε, ἄνω δὲ ὁμοίως εἴκοσι καὶ πέντε, ὁμοῦ
πεντήκοντα" καθ᾽ ἕνα δὲ αὐτῶν δύο καθεζέσθωσαν οἱ κωπηλατοῦντες, εἷς μὲν δεξιά, εἷς
δὲ ἀριστερά. ὡς εἶναι τοὺς ἅπαντας κωπηλάτας ὁμοῦ (καὶ τοὺς αὐτοὺς καὶ στρατιώτας)
τούς τε ἄνω καὶ τοὺς κάτω ἄνδρας ἑκατόν. 9g, καὶ ἕτεροι δὲ δρόμωνες κατασκευαζέσ-
θωσάν σοι τούτων μείζονες, ἀπὸ διακοσίων χωροῦντες ἀνδρῶν (ἢ πλείω τούτων ἢ
ἐλάττω κατὰ τὴν χρείαν τὴν δέουσαν ἐπὶ καιροῦ κατὰ τῶν ἐναντίων) ὧν οἱ μὲν
πεντήκοντα τὴν κάτω ἐλασίαν ὑπουργήσουσιν, οἱ δὲ ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα ἄνω ἑστῶτες
ἅπαντες ἔνοπλοι μαχήσονται τοῖς πολεμίοις. '

4 Porphyrogenitos, de czerimoniis, ii. 45, p. 384, ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ Αἰγαίου
πελάγους μετὰ χελανδίων παμφύλων S’ ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν px’ καὶ χελανδίων οὐσιακῶν 5’ ἀνὰ
ἀνδρῶν ρη΄ " κατελείφθη δὲ καὶ μία οὐσία εἰς τὸ κόψαι τὴν τῆς ὀγδόης ἱνδικτίονος ξυλήν.
ὁ στρατηγὸς τῆς Σάμου μετὰ χελανδίων παμφύλων 5 ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν ρν' καὶ χελανδίων᾽
οὐσιακῶν 5" ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν ρη᾽" ἀπεστάλησαν δὲ μετὰ τοῦ πρωτοσπαθαρίου ᾿Ιωάννου καὶ
ἀσηκρήτης ἐν ᾿Αφρικῇ χελάνδια Ὑ καὶ δρόμονες 5’ ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν ck. ὁ στρατηγὸς τῶν —
Κιβυῤῥαιωτῶν μετὰ χελανδίων παμφύλων S’ ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν py’ καὶ χελανδίων οὐσιακῶν ὦ
S” ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν ρι΄" κατελείφθη δὲ καὶ εἰς φύλαξιν τοῦ θέματος πάμφυλοι β', οὐσιακὰ
δ΄" κατελείφθη δὲ καὶ εἰς τὸ κόψαι τὴν τῆς ὀγδόης ἱνδικτίονος ξυλὴν οὐσίαι aa
κατελείφθη δὲ καὶ eis φύλαξιν τοῦ κυροῦ Στεφάνου τοῦ γυναικαδελφοῦ τοῦ βασιλέως ev
Ῥόδῳ οὐσία α΄ καὶ δρομόνων 5’ ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν cx’. An οὐσία was a company, and the
χελάνδια οὐσιακά were ships carrying a company apiece. They carried 108 or 110°

ON THE DROMONS AND THE GALLEYS. 19

thirty, besides seventy others for fighting only and not for
rowing; and therefore carried three hundred altogether®. As
there were more rowers than oars in many of these ships,

‘though every oar was managed by one man, these rowers

must have worked by turns.

Thus, after a lapse of sixteen centuries, the system of
successive banks was again restricted to two-banked ships
with a hundred and twenty oars at most; and soon afterwards
it was abandoned. The term galea ied to

war-ships of a single bank®: but those new systems were not
“yet devised, which made the single bank of the mediaeval
galleys as effective as the numerous banks of the ancient war-

ships. One of these new systems increased the number of
oars by placing them at shorter intervals along the bank, and

making them of several different lengths inboard, the rowers
being arranged in several lines along the deck; while the
other maintained the number of oars at fifty or sixty, but
increased their size and strength, several rowers working
together at every oar™.

men; so the eight dromons, which each carried 220 men, each carried two
companies. Twenty other dromons are explicitly credited with two companies
apiece, p. 384, Spduoves x’ dvd οὐσιῶν β΄" οὐσίαι μ. Each therefore carried 220
men: yet only 120 oars, p. 388, els ἐξόπλισιν τῶν κ' δρομονίων---κωπία ἀνὰ px’ *
ὁμοῦ βυ΄.

48 Porphyrogenitos, de czrimoniis, ii. 44, Ρ. 377, διὰ τοῦ θέματος τοῦ Αἰγαίου
πελάγους. δρόμονες ζ΄ ἔχοντες ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν κωπηλατῶν oN καὶ ἀνὰ πολεμιστῶν ὁ "
ὁμοῦ βρ΄. πάμφυλοι ζ΄ ἔχοντες οἱ μὲν γ΄ ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν pk’, οἱ δὲ ἕτεροι δ΄ ἀνὰ ἀνδρῶν
pr’* ὁμοῦ α. ὁμοῦ τὸ πᾶν διὰ τοῦ θέματος τοῦ Αἰγαίου πελάγους ,γρ΄. cf. ii. 45,

Ρ. 387, ὁ δρόμων ὀφείλει ἔχειν ἄνδρας 7’, of μὲν oX πλόιμοι κωπηλάται ἤτοι καὶ

πολεμισταί, καὶ οἱ ἕτεροι ο΄ ἄνδρες πολεμισταί. That refers to 949 A-D.: but the
ἐξόπλισις δρόμονος αἰ, pp. 386, 387, differs materially from the ἐξόπλισις τῶν κ΄
δρομονίων, pp. 387, 388, so this dromon had now become anomalous.

49 Leo, tactica, xix. 10, καὶ ἔτι δὲ κατασκευάσεις δρόμωνας ἐλάττους δρομι-

᾿κωτάτους, οἱονεὶ γαλαίας ἢ μονήρεις λεγομένους. The forms γαλαίαι and γαλέαι were
_used indifferently at this period.

50 According to Pantero Pantera, armata navale, i. 15, the big oars were
known as remi di scaloccio, and were worked by two or three men apiece on the
galeotte, by three or four and sometimes by five or six on the ga/ee, and by as
many as eight or even more on the galeazze. The big oars were superseding the
small oars. These were known as vem ἃ zenzile, and had usually been worked in
groups of three or four or five, with one man for every oar. Pantera was captain
of the Papal galleys, and published his work at Rome in 1614.

b2

aaa

i“

20 AUXILIARY OARS ON MERCHANT-SHIPS.

WY Merchant-ships were generally too bulky to be propelle d
by oars. Nevertheless they carried a few, very often twenty”:
and these probably sufficed for bringing the ship’s head round
and other such purposes, though hardly numerous enough fe
driving the ship along. Thus, a merchant-ship trying to
make some headway with her oars is compared by Aristotle
to an insect feebly buzzing along on wings too small for its —
body, after the manner of cockchafers and bees: whereas a
war-ship under way, rhythmically dipping her vast mass οὗ
oars, was commonly compared to a bird upon its flight™.
The banks of oars were so arranged that the largest war-
wships were of no great height. To shew the size of the great —
ships in Antony’s fleet at the battle of Actium in 31 B.C., Orosius
=. remarks that they actually were ten feet in height above the

51 Odyssey, ix. 322—324, ὅσσον θ᾽ ἱστὸν νηὸς ἐἑεικοσόροιο μελαίνης, | popridos, Ὁ
εὐρείης, nr ἐκπεράᾳ μέγα λαῖτμα" | τόσσον ἔην μῆκος, τόσσον πάχος εἰσοράασθαι.
Demosthenes, in Lacritum, 18, τὰ δὲ τρισχίλια κεράμια ἄγεσθαι ταῦτα εἰς τὸν
Πόντον ἐν τῇ εἰκοσόρῳ ἣν ᾿Ὑβλήσιος ἐναυκλήρει. Athenzeos, v. 41, ἣν δ᾽ ἡ vad
τῇ μὲν κατασκευῇ εἰκόσορος, k.T.r., Cf. 40, πλοῖα σιτηγὰ κατασκευαζόμενος, ὧν ἑνὸς
τῆς κατασκευῆς μνησθήσομαι.

52 Aristotle, de animalium incessu, 10, βραδεῖα δ᾽ ἡ πτῆσις τῶν ὁλοπτέρων ἐστὶ
καὶ ἀσθενὴς διὰ τὸ μὴ κατὰ λόγον ἔχειν τὴν τῶν πτερῶν φύσιν πρὸς τὸ τοῦ σώματος
βάρος, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν πολύ, τὰ δὲ μικρὰ καὶ ἀσθενῆ" ὥσπερ ἂν οὖν εἰ ὁλκαδικὸν πλοῖον
ἐπιχειροίη κώπαις ποιεῖσθαι τὸν πλοῦν, οὕτω ταῦτα τῇ πτήσει χρῆται. ὑπεναντίως δ᾽
ἔχουσιν οἱ ὄρνιθες τοῖς ὁλοπτέροις τὴν τῶν πτερῶν φύσιν, καιτ.λ. The metaphor about
the birds occurs frequently. Odyssey, xi. 124, 125, οὐδ᾽ dpa τοίγ᾽ ἴσασι νέας φοινικο-.
mapnous, | οὐδ᾽ εὐήρε᾽ ἐρετμά, tare πτερὰ νηυσὶ πέλονται. Euripides, Troades,
1085, 1086, ἐμὲ δὲ πόντιον σκάφος | ἀΐσσον πτεροῖσι πορεύσει. Aischylos, Agamem-
non, 52, πτερύγων ἐρετμοῖσιν ἐρεσσόμενοι, sc. αἰγύπιοι. Polybios, i. 46, αἱ δὲ νῆες,
ἐπεῖχον, ἐπτερωκυῖαι πρὸς τὴν ἐμβολήν. Plutarch, Antonius, 63, τοὺς δὲ ταρσοὺς
τῶν νεῶν ἐγείρας καὶ πτερώσας ἑκατέρωθεν. Moschos, ii. 59, 60, ὄρνις, ἀγαλλόμενος.
πτερύγων πολυανθέι χροιῇ, | ταρσὰ δ᾽ ἀναπλώσας, ὡσεί τέ τις ὠκύαλος νηῦς. Also in
Latin. Virgil, AZneid, i. 300, 301, volat zlle per aera magnum | remigio alarum.
Propertius, iv. 6. 47, 48, ec te, guod classis centenis ΠῈΣ alis, | terreat. But
this does not please Quintilian, viii. 6. 18.

53 Orosius, vi. 19, classis Antonii centum septuaginta navium fuit, quantum
numero cedens tantum magnitudine precellens, nam decem pedum altitudine a
mart aberant. ‘This definite statement deserves more attention than the grotesque
exaggerations of Virgil, Aineid, viii. 691, 692, pelago credas innare revulsas |
Cycladas, aut montes concurrere montibus altos. The notion of an encounter with
islands is neatly parodied by Lucian, vere historize, i. 40—42; but is adopted —
with some apology by Dion Cassius, 1. 33, εἴκασεν ἄν τις ἰδὼν τὰ γιγνόμενα, ws
μικρὰ μεγάλοις ὁμοιῶσαι, τείχεσί τισιν ἢ Kal νήσοις πολλαῖς Kal πυκναῖς ἐκ θαλάσσης

ao

THE DIMENSIONS OF THE WAR-SHIPS. 21

water-line® : and these great ships were of ten banks™. He
therefore allows a foot of freeboard for each bank of Oars ;
and thus would make a sixteen-banked ship only sixteen feet
in height above the water-line. And practically there never
were more than sixteen banks on a sea-going ship.

- A ship of a single bank, which was preserved at Rome as
a relic of Aineas, was a hundred and twenty feet in length ®:/
and as she probably was a fifty-oared ship, there probably
were twenty-five oars on each side, and therefore twenty-four
spaces between the tholes, or one such space for every five
feet of her length. And this relation would not be fortuitous;
for in ancient ships all the dimensions were related to the
interval between the tholes® A thirty-oared ship, with
fourteen such spaces, would thus be seventy feet in length;

πολιορκουμέναις. The tamer notion of an encounter with forts seems due to
Plutarch, Antonius, 66, where he compares the battle to a τειχομαχία, apparently
in imitation of the common-place in Latin that war-ships were like walled towns.
Thus, the expression wrbis zzstar is applied to a four-banked ship by Cicero, in
Verrem, ii. v. 34, and the expression wrdis opus to a three-banked ship by Virgil,
fEneid, v. 119.

54 Plutarch, Antonius, 64, ws δὲ ναυμαχεῖν ἐδέδοκτο, Tas μὲν ἄλλας ἐνέπρησε
ναῦ-ς---πλὴν ἑξήκοντα τῶν Αἰγυπτίων --τὰς δὲ ἀρίστας καὶ μεγίστας ἀπὸ τριήρους

μέχρι δεκήρους ἐπλήρου. Dion Cassius, 1. 23, τριήρεις μὲν yap ὀλίγας, τετρήρεις

δὲ καὶ δεκήρεις καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τὰ διὰ μέσου πάντα ἐξεποίησεν. Strabo, vii. 7. 6,
ἀνέθηκε Καῖσαρ τὴν δεκαναίαν ἀκροθίνιον ἀπὸ μονοκρότου μέχρι δεκήρους.

55 Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, ἔτι μέντοι καὶ ὅσα μνημεῖα τοῦ γένους
ἐλέλειπτο ἔτι, ἐν τοῖς καὶ ἡ ναῦς Αἰνείου, τοῦ τῆς πόλεως οἰκιστοῦ, καὶ εἰς τόδε κεῖται,
θέαμα παντελῶς ἄπιστον. νεώσοικον γὰρ ποιησάμενοι ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλει παρὰ τὴν τοῦ
πιβέριδος ὄχθην, ἐνταῦθά τε αὐτὴν καταθέμενοι, ἐξ ἐκείνου τηροῦσιν. ἥπερ ὁποία ποτέ
ἐστιν αὐτὸς θεασάμενος ἐρῶν ἔρχομαι. μονήρης δὲ ἡ ναῦς ἥδε καὶ περιμήκης ἄγαν
τυγχάνει οὖσα, μῆκος μὲν ποδῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν, edpos δὲ πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι, τὸ δέ γε
ὕψος τοσαύτη ἐστὶν ὅσον αὐτὴν ἐρέσσεσθαι μὴ ἀδύνατα εἶναι.

56 Vitruvius, i. 2. 4, 271 in hominis corpore e cubito pede palmo digito ceterisque
particulis symmetros est eurythmie qualitas, sic est in operum perfectionibus : et
primum in edibus sacris aut e columnarum crassitudinibus aut triglypho aut etiam
‘embate, sed et balliste e foramine, quod Grect PERITRETON vocttant, navts inter-
scalmio, quod DIPHECIACA dicitur, item ceterorum operum e membris invenitur
symmetriarum ratiocinatio. ‘The letters DIPHECIACA seem intended for some
Greek word ; and the word διπηχαική has been invented for the occasion. If this
word had any meaning, it would mean that the interval between the tholes
amounted to two cubits, and was therefore a fixed distance: but the distance
certainly was variable, since it formed the unit for calculating the dimensions of

>

a ship, and all ships were not alike. Φ

22 THE DIMENSIONS OF THE WAR-SHIPS

and a three-banked ship, with thirty such spaces in the upper
bank, a hundred and fifty feet in length. These dimensions
certainly appear excessive. Yet the oars could hardly have
been worked, had the interval between the tholes been less
than three feet; so the distance from the first thole to the
last must have been at least forty-two feet on a thirty-oared —
ship, seventy-two feet on a fifty-oared ship, and ninety feet —
on a three-banked ship: and this distance seems little more
than three-fifths of the extreme length in most of the ships —

depicted by the ancients. Moreover, these ships look |
though they were clear of the water for fully a fifth of their —
length by reason of the overhanging stern and the elevated
ram. The ship of /Eneas was twenty-five feet broad, or mo Ἵ
than a fifth of her length in beam: but the Greek war-ships

were considerably narrower. The remains of the Atheniall
docks in the harbour of Zea shew that originally they were
quite a hundred and fifty feet in length but only twenty feet in

57 Plans and measurements of the docks at Zea in the Πρακτικὰ τῆς év’ Αθήναις
ἀρχαιολογικῆς ἑταιρίας for 1885, plates 2 and 3, cf. pp. 63—71. The docks:
themselves are about 1g ft. 5 in. in breadth, or twenty feet by ancient Greek
measurement; and they are divided by partitions which are about 1 ft. rrin. in
breadth, so that the distance from centre to centre is about 21ft. 4in. In the
tuins of the docks at Munychia this distance is about τὸ in. less: but possibly the
partitions were narrower. All the docks at Zea are in ruins at the lower end :
yet some of them are still 144 ft. in length. They certainly were not meant
to take two ships apiece, one behind another: there never were double docks
νεώρια, though sometimes there were double sheds above the docks, νεώσοικοι.
Diodoros, xiv. 42, ὠκοδόμει δὲ (Διονύσιος) καὶ νεωσοίκους πολυτελεῖς ἑκατὸν ἑξήκοντα,
τοὺς πλείστους δύο ναῦς δεχομένους, Plato, Critias, p. 116, τέμνοντες δὲ ἅμα ἀπειργά-
ζοντο νεωσοίκους κοίλους διπλοῦς ἐντός, κατηρεφεῖς αὐτῇ τῇ πέτρᾳ. There are lines
of columns between the docks at Zea; and these columns are spaced differently in
alternate lines, as if to carry different weights. So these docks undoubtedly were
roofed in pairs: but in no other sense were they double.

58 Athenzos, v. 37, already quoted in note 24 on Ρ. 9. A ship of this length
would have 170 oars in the uppermost bank, with 84 spaces between the tholes on
either side, if she had one such space for every five feet of her length: and if each”
bank held four oars more than the bank below, and there were 54 in the lowest
bank—see pp. 11 ff.—there would be 170 in the uppermost bank on a ship of
thirty banks. The coincidence is curious. BS

ὅ9 This usage of μακρά and /onga occurs ita ὁ e.g. Polybios, xxii. 26, ἀποδότω.
δὲ καὶ τὰς ναῦς τὰς μακρὰς καὶ τὰ ἐκ τούτων ἄρμενα καὶ τὰ oKedn = Livy, xxxviii. 38,
tradito et naves longas armamentaque earum, both authors quoting from the treaty ©
under which Antiochos surrendered his navy to the Romans in 189 B.c. There

AND OF SHIPS OF OTHER CLASSES. 23

breadth”. These docks presumably were not much longer |
than the ships for which they were designed, and the ships -
certainly were not broader than the docks; so these ships
could hardly have exceeded two-fifteenths of their length in
beam. And this is approximately the ratio of length to
breadth which Callixenos ascribes to the alleged forty-banked
ship, the length being four hundred and twenty feet and the
breadth fifty-seven™.

The regular war-ships differed so strikingly from merchant-
ships in their proportions that they were generally known as
the long ships, while these were known as the round ships™.
But ships sometimes were constructed on an intermediate
system of proportion, and consequently could not thus be
classed as long or round®. And the round ships were ,
themselves of several different types; while a multitude of
types prevailed among the vessels that were not large
enough to rank as ships”.

was a corresponding usage of στρογγύλη. Athenzos, viii. 42, ἐρωτηθεὶς δὲ (Zrpard-
vikos) ὑπό Twos, τίνα τῶν πλοίων ἀσφαλέστατα ἐστί ; τὰ μακρά, ἢ τὰ στρογγύλα ; τὰ
νενεωλκημένα, εἶπεν. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. I, τὰς μὲ γὰρ
τριήρεις καὶ τὰ μακρὰ πλοῖα ἐλάτινα ποιοῦσι διὰ κουφότητα, τὰ δὲ στρογγύλα πεύκινα
διὰ τὸ ἀσαπές. Xenophon, Hellenica, v. 1. 21, καὶ καταδύειν μὲν οὐκ εἴα στρογγύλον
πλοῖον οὐδὲ λυμαίνεσθαι ταῖς ἑαυτῶν ναυσίν " εἰ δέ που τριήρη ἴδοιεν ὁρμοῦσαν, ταύτην
πειρᾶσθαι ἄπλουν ποιεῖν. cf. Herodotos, i. 163, already quoted in note 8 on p. 4.
But this usage was not adopted in Latin; and xzavis longa is opposed to avis
oneraria, just as ναῦς μακρά is sometimes opposed to ὁλκάς. Czesar, de bello Gallico,
iv. 22, zavibus circiter octoginta onerarits coactis contractisque, guot satis esse ad duas
_ transportandas legiones existimabat, quicquid preterea navium longarum habebat,
questori legatis prefectisque distribuit. Appian, de bellis civilibus, ii. 54, καὶ δύο
τελῶν ἄλλων ἐπελθόντων, ὅδε Kal τάδε προσλαβὼν ἀνήγετο χειμῶνος ἐπὶ ὁλκάδων " al
γὰρ ἦσαν αὐτῷ νῆες ὀλίγαι μακραί, Σαρδὼ καὶ Σικελίαν ἐφρούρουν.

60 Athenzos, v. 38, quoting Callixenos, τὸ δὲ σχῆμ᾽ αὐτῆς οὔτε ταῖς μακραῖς
ναυσὶν οὔτε ταῖς στρογγύλαις ἐοικός, ἀλλὰ παρηλλαγμένον τε καὶ πρὸς τὴν χρείαν τοῦ
ποταμοῦ τὸ βάθος. Arrian, Fr. 19, apud Suidam, 5. v. ναῦς :---οἶχε δὲ ἡ ναῦς μῆκος
μὲν κατὰ τριήρη μάλιστα, εὖρος δὲ καὶ βάθος καθ᾽ ὁλκάδα, ὅσον μεγίστη Νικομηδὶς ἢ
Αὐγυπτία. Both these vessels were designed for rivers; the former for the Nile
under Ptolemy Philopator, the latter apparently for the Tigris under Trajan.
Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 95, ἐδωρήσατο δὲ καὶ Oxraovia τὸν ἀδελφόν, αἰτήσασα
παρ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου, δέκα φασήλοις τριηρετικοῖς, ἐπιμίκτοις ἔκ τε φορτίδων νεῶν καὶ μακρῶν.
See note on μυοπάρωνες on p. 108 for a further account of these ships.

61 See note on actuarie on p. 105, and subsequent notes in the Appendix.
The ‘round’ class would include the γαῦλοι and the ἵπποι, the cordi¢e and the
cybe@, and perhaps the κάνθαροι and the κύκνοι and also the fovetones.

24 THE DIMENSIONS AND TONNAGE

_ The dimensions of one of the great merchant-ships em-
ployed in carrying corn from Egypt to-Ftaly about 150 A.D.
have fortunately been put on record. According to Lucian,
her length was a hundred and eighty feet, while her breadth
was slightly more than a fourth of her length, and her depth
was forty-three feet and a half, reckoning from the upper
deck to the bottom of the hold; so that, including the keel,
her depth must have been about the same as her breadth™.
The well-known dimensions in the Hebrew version of the
legend of the Flood, four hundred and fifty feet of length,
seventy-five feet of breadth, and forty-five feet of depth,
apparently belong to the ark that has been introduced there
under Egyptian influence, and not to the ship that has been |
implicitly retained there with other features of the Babylonian

versions. The earlier Babylonian version in the inscriptions ~

states that the depth of the ship was the same as the breadth,
but is illegible in its statement of the measurements™. The
extant copies of the later Babylonian version recorded by —
Berosos state that the length of the ship was either five or
fifteen stades, and the breadth two stades™. In this equality

62 Lucian, navigium, 1, τί γὰρ ἔδει καὶ ποιεῖν, ὦ Λυκῖνε, σχολὴν ἄγοντα;
πυθόμενον οὕτως ὑπερμεγέθη ναῦν καὶ πέρα τοῦ μέτρου εἰς τὸν Iletpacd καταπεπλευ-
κέναι μίαν τῶν ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου εἰς ᾿Ιταλίαν σιταγωγῶν ; 5, ἀλλὰ μεταξὺ λόγων, ἡλίκη
ναῦς, εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν πήχεων ἔλεγε τὸ μῆκος ὁ ναυπηγός, εὖρος δὲ ὑπὲρ τὸ τέταρτον
μάλιστα τούτου, καὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ καταστρώματος ἐς τὸν πυθμένα, ἣ βαθύτατον κατὰ τὸν
ἄντλον, ἐννέα πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι.

63 Rawlinson, Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, vol. iv, pl. 50, col. 1,
ll. 25, 26=pl. 43, col. 1, 11. 27, 28, in the new edition. I am indebted to Dr
Budge, of the British Museum, for verifying the statement in the text.

64 Berosos, Fr. 7, apud Syncellum, p. 30, σκάφος, τὸ μὲν μῆκος σταδίων πέντε,
τὸ δὲ πλάτος σταδίων δύο, but the length is estimated at fifteen stades instead of
five in the corresponding extract from Berosos in the first book of the Chronica of
Eusebios, as retranslated from the Armenian edition.» If these were common
stades of a hundred fathoms each, the length of the ship would be either 3000 ft.
or gooo ft., and the breadth 1200 ft.: so the reading must be corrupt.

6 Genesis, vi. 15, καὶ οὕτω ποιήσεις τὴν κιβωτόν" τριακοσίων πήχεων Td μῆκος
τῆς κιβωτοῦ, καὶ πεντήκοντα πήχεων τὸ πλάτος, καὶ τριάκοντα πήχεων τὸ ὕψος αὐτῆς.
The word seems to have puzzled Philo Judzeus, for he speaks vaguely of a wooden
structure without a hint about its shape, vita Moysis, ii. 11, ξύλινον δημιουργήσας
ἔργον μέγιστον eis πήχεις τριακοσίους μῆκος, κιτ.λ. Cf. 12, πρόεισιν ἐκ τοῦ ξυλίνου
κατασκευάσματος. In the Greek version of the legend, with Deucalion as hero,
the vessel is termed a box, λάρναξ.

OF THE LARGEST MERCHANT-SHIPS. 25

of breadth and depth the legendary vessel resembles the
merchant-ship just mentioned; and in a possible ratio of
breadth to length she resembles the war-ships for which the
docks at Zea were constructed: but in none of her proportions
does she resemble the ark. The authors of the Septuagint
had every means of ascertaining the exact sense of the word
tébih, or ark, since it was of Egyptian origin; and they
translated it by the word ibotos, or chest. This was an
epithet of Apameia in Phrygia: and upon coins of that city
the ark of Noah is represented as a rectangular chest™.

The tonnage of ancient ships cannot safely be deduced
from their dimensions, as so little is known about their form.
But the amount of cargo carried by various merchant-ships
is here and there reeofded, this amount being generally

computed by the talent or the amphora, which each weighed κε

about a fortieth part of a ton”. ~ And the largest merchant-
ships are always described as carrying ten thousand talents,
or 250 tons, though they may really have carried rather more,
ten thousand being a round number of the vaguest sort”. The
_ tonnage of such ships would be roughly 150, register.

66 Herodotos, i. 194, ποιέεται δὲ καὶ κάρτα μεγάλα ταῦτα τὰ πλοῖα καὶ ἐλάσσω"
τὰ δὲ μέγιστα αὐτῶν καὶ πεντακισχιλίων ταλάντων γόμον ἔχει, ii. Q6, ἔστι δέ σφι τὰ
πλοῖα ταῦτα πλήθει πολλά, καὶ ἄγει ἔνια πολλὰς χιλιάδας ταλάντων, the former on
the Euphrates and the latter on the Nile. Athenzos, v. 43, κέρκουρος, τρισχίλια
τάλαντα δέχεσθαι δυνάμενος. Livy, xxi. 63, citing a law enacted at Rome shortly
before 220 B.C., me guis senator, cuive senatorius pater fuisset, maritimam navent,
gue plus quam trecentarum amphorarum esset, haberet: id satis habitum ad
Sructus ex agris vectandos: questus omnis Patribus indecorus visus est. Cicero,
ad familiares, xii. 15. 2, waves onerarias, gquarum minor nulla erat duum millium
amphorum. Pliny, vi. 24, magnitudo (navium) ad terna millia amphorum. As
the talent and the amphora each represented a cubic foot of water, and a Greek or
Roman foot measured about 7 of an English foot, the talent and the amphora
each weighed very nearly 57 lbs.

67 Ctesias, Fr. 57. 6, apud Photium, p. 45, τὸ δὲ ὕψος, ὅσον μυριοφόρου νεὼς
ἱστός. Thucydides, vii. 25, προσαγαγόντες γὰρ ναῦν μυριοφόρον, κιτιλ. Pollux, iv.
165, μυριοφόρος, ὡς Θουκυδίδης" ὡς δὲ Δείναρχος, μυριαγωγοῦσα. cf. Philo Judzeus,
de plantatione Noe, 6, μυριαγωγὰ σκάφη, de incorruptibilitate mundi, 26, μυριο-
φόροις ναυσίν. Strabo, iii. 3. 1,6 δὲ Tdyos καὶ τὸ πλάτος ἔχει τοῦ στόματος εἴκοσί
που σταδίων καὶ τὸ βάθος μέγα, ὥστε μυριαγωγοῖς ἀναπλεῖσθαι, xvii. τ. 26, πλάτος
δ᾽ ἔχει πηχῶν ἑκατὸν ἡ διῶρυξ, βάθος δ᾽ ὅσον ἀρκεῖν μυριοφόρῳ νηί. Heliodoros,
Agthiopica, iv. 16, ἔλεγον δὴ οὖν εἶναι Φοίνικες Τύριοι, τέχνην δ᾽ ἔμποροι, πλεῖν
δ᾽ ἐπὶ Καρχηδόνα τὴν Λιβύων, ὁλκάδα μυριοφόρον ᾿Ινδικῶν τε καὶ Αἰθιοπικῶν καὶ τῶν

26 SHIPS FOR CARRYING THE OBELISKS,

Larger ships were built for special purposes. About 40 A.D.
the Vatican obelisk and its pedestal were brought from Egypt
to Italy in a ship which Pliny describes as the most wonderful
vessel that ever was beheld upon the sea; evidently meaning
that she was the largest, for he comments on her length and
her capacity and the size of her mast, but says nothing about |
any peculiarity in design. The obelisk and pedestal together
weigh between 496 and 497 tons; and about 800 tons of
lentils were stowed on board to keep them steady®. There-
fore, unless there is some error about the quantity of lentils, —
the ship carried fully 1,300 tons, or more than five times the
load of the largest merchant-ships afloat. This ship was

ἐκ Φοινίκης ἀγωγίμων φέροντες. Themistios, oratio xvi, p. 212, καὶ viv καθέστηκε

μὲν ἅπασα ἤπειρος, γῇ δὲ καὶ θάλαττα τοὺς προστάτας στεφανοῦσιν, ἡ δὲ ἀρχὴ )
καθάπερ ναῦς μυριοφόρος πολλὰ δὴ πονηθεῖσα ὑπὸ χειμῶνος καὶ τρικυμίας ἀναλαμβάνει
καὶ ὀχυροῦται. Himerios, oratio xiv, p. 622, πλεῖ ποτὲ καὶ μυριόφορτος ὁλκάς, πολὺν
μὲν χρόνον χερσεύουσα, ὅτι μὴ πέλαγος τοσοῦτον εὕρισκε βαθύτητι, ὥστε καὶ λῦσαι
πείσματα. Automedon, in the Anthology, x. 23. 5, ναῦς ἅτε μυριόφορτος. Manasses,
4886, 4887, καὶ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἐκέλευσε γνάθοις πυρὸς παμφάγου | τὴν ναῦν τὴν ee
poprov αὐτόφορτον βρωθῆναι. '

68 Pliny, xvi. 76, abies admirationis precipue visa est in nave, que ex “ΡΥ ίο.
Gatti principis tussu obeliscum in Vaticano Circo statutum quattuorque truncos
lapidis etusdem ad sustinendum eum adduxit, qua nave nihil admirabilius visum
in mari certum est. CXX M modiorum lentis pro saburra ei fuere. longitudo
spatium obtinuit magna ex parte Ostiensis portus latere levo: τὲ namgue demerse
est a Claudio principe cum tribus molibus turrium altitudine in ea exadificatis
obiter Puteolano pulvere advectisgue. arboris eius crassitudo quattuor hominum
ulnas complectentium implebat. A modius was equivalent to the third part of a
cubic foot, so that 120,000 modii would-occupy a space of 40.000 cubic feet : and
the weight would be nearly 46 lbs. for every cubic foot, as Egyptian lentils weigh
about 50 lbs. per cubic English foot, when closely packed. According to Fontana, —
Della trasportatione dell’ obelisco Vaticano, pp. 9, 23, the obelisk itself weighs
963,537 lbs., while the four blocks of the pedestal weigh 165,464 and 67,510 and ἔ
179,826 and 110,778 lbs. respectively : and a ton contains about 2,996 lbs. of this
measure. Fontana replaced the obelisk upon the original pedestal after its removal |
from the Circus in 1586.

% Pliny, xxxvi. 1, zavesgue marmorum causa fiunt, ac per fluctus, sevissimam
rerum nature partem, huc tlluc portantur iuga.

70 Pliny, xxxvi. 14, super omnia accessit dificultas mari Romam (obeliscos\ a
devehendi, spectatis admodum navibus. divus Augustus priorem advexerat, mira-
culique gratia Puteolis navalibus perpetuis dicaverat ; sed incendio consumpta est.
divus Claudius aliquot per annos asservatam, quam Gaius Caesar importaverat,
omnibus quae unguam in mari visa sunt mirabiliorem, in ipsa turribus Puteolis e
pulvere exedificatis, perductam Ostiam portus gratia mersit.

AND OTHER SHIPS OF HIGH TONNAGE, 27

doubtless of the class that the Romans built expressly for
transporting marble™. Pliny says plainly that she was larger
than the ship which had performed the somewhat easier task
of carrying the Flaminian obelisk from Egypt to Italy fifty
years before”: yet that ship was afterwards reputed to have
carried 2,700 tons of corn, a quantity of pepper and linen and
paper and glass, and also fourteen hundred men, besides the
obelisk and its pedestal”. The tale is absurd: and so also is
the tale that 2,400 tons of corn, 250 tons of salted fish, 500
tons of wool, and 500 tons of miscellaneous cargo were put
on board a ship that Hieron built at Syracuse and afterwards
gave to Ptolemy on finding her too large for use”. Athenzos

71 Cedren, p. 172, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς βασιλείας Αὐγούστου Καίσαρος εἰσῆλθε πλοῖον ἀπὸ
᾿Αλεξανδρείας εἰς τὴν πόρταν Ῥώμης, ἐπιφερόμενον σίτου μοδίων χιλιάδας υ', ἐπιβάτας
σ΄, ναύτας σ΄, πέπερι, ὀθόνας, χάρτην, ὑέλια, καὶ τὸν μέγαν ὀβελίσκον μετὰ τοῦ
βασιλέως, αὐτόν τε ἑστῶτα ἐν τῷ μεγάλῳ ἱππικῷ, ἔχοντα ὕψος πόδας re’ ἥμισυν.
For τοῦ βασιλέως read τῆς βάσεως. Another version is printed by Mommsen,
Ueber den Chronographen vom Jahre 354, at p. 646, hoc imp. navis Alexandrina
primum in portu Romano introivit nomine Acatus, qui attulit frumenti modios

CCCC, vectores MCC, piper, linteamen, carta, vitria, et opoliscum cum sua sibi base,
gui est in Circo Maximo altum pedes LXXXVUS. A modius being equivalent to
the third part of a cubic foot, 400,000 modii would occupy a space of 133,333
cubic feet: and the weight would be about 45 lbs. for every cubic foot, since corn
weighs rather more than 49 Ibs. per cubic English foot. According to Fontana,
Δ, σιν Ὁ. 75, the Flaminian obelisk weighs 702,276 lbs. and its pedestal 497, 187 lbs. ;
or altogether 287,652 lbs. less than the Vatican obelisk and pedestal.

72 Athenzeos, v. 40, περὶ δὲ τῆς ὑπὸ ἱΙέρωνος τοῦ Συρακοσίου κατασκευασθείσης
νεώς, ἧς καὶ ᾿Αρχιμήδης ἣν ὁ γεωμέτρης ἐπόπτης, οὐκ ἄξιον εἷναι κρίνω σιωπῆσαι,
σύγγραμμα ἐκδόντος Μοσχίωνος τινός, ᾧ οὐ παρέργως ἐνέτυχον ὑπογνυίως. γράφει οὖν

ὁ Μοσχίων οὕτως, κιτιλ. 44, σίτου δὲ ἐνεβάλλοντο εἰς τὴν ναῦν μυριάδες ἕξ, ταρίχων
δὲ Σικελικῶν κεράμια μύρια, ἐρεῶν τάλαντα δισμύρια, καὶ ἕτερα δὲ φορτία δισμύρια.

χωρὶς δὲ τούτων ὁ ἐπισιτισμὸς ἣν τῶν ἐμπλεόντων. ὁ δ᾽ ‘Iépwy, ἐπεὶ πάντας τοὺς
λιμένας ἤκουε, τοὺς μὲν ὡς οὐ δύνατοί εἰσι τὴν ναῦν δέχεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ καὶ ἐπικινδύνους
ὑπάρχειν, διέγνω δῶρον αὐτὴν ἀποστεῖλαι Πτολεμαίῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ εἰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν"
καὶ γὰρ ἦν σπάνις σίτου κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον. καὶ οὕτως ἐποίησε" καὶ ἡ ναῦς κατήχθη
εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν, ἔνθα καὶ ἐνεωλκήθη. ὁ δ᾽ ἹἹέρων καὶ ᾿Αρχίμηλον, τὸν τῶν
ἐπιγραμμάτων ποιητήν, γράψαντα εἰς τὴν ναῦν ἐπίγραμμα, χιλίοις πυρῶν μεδίμνοις,
ods καὶ παρέπεμψεν ἰδίοις δαπανήμασιν εἰς τὸν Πειραιᾶ, ἐτίμησεν. The corn would
all be measured by the medimnos, as was customary: and a medimnos was
equivalent to two cubic feet. So the 60,000 measures of corn would occupy a
space of 120,000 cubic feet. A κεράμιον was presumably an amphora; and a
φορτίον the equivalent of a talent or an amphora, as that meaning is implied in
μυριόφορτος : see note 67. It is clear that nothing was known of Moschion even
then, else Athenzeos would not speak of him as Μοσχίωνος τινός.

28 SHIPS FOR CARRYING THE OBELISKS,

quotes this tale from Moschion, and Moschion cites an
epigram by Archimelos: but nothing whatever is known of

Archimelos or of Moschion; and Athenzos did not write
until 200 A.D., while Hieron died before 200 Bc. The
epigram celebrates a ship that brought some gifts of corn
from Hieron to the Greeks, and declares her size by saying
that the hull rivalled Etna in its bulk; the mast touched the
stars, and so forth”: but such language seems hardly more
appropriate if the ship carried 3,650 tons, than if she carried
a half or a quarter or an eighth of that load; and a ship
might fairly be deemed a monster, if she carried even 500
tons at a time when others could not carry more than 250.
In his narrative Moschion says that Archimedes succeeded

in launching this huge ship by means of some mechanical

contrivance of his own invention: yet Plutarch tells sub-
stantially the same story about Archimedes without a hint

73 Athenzos, v. 44, ἔχει δ᾽ οὕτως τὸ ἐπίγραμμα :---τίς τόδε σέλμα πέλωρον ἐπὶ ;
χθονὸς εἵσατο; ποῖος | κοίρανος ἀκαμάτοις πείσμασιν ἠγάγετο; | πῶς δὲ κατὰ δρυόχων

ἐπάγη σανίς ἢ τίνι γόμφοι | τμηθέντες πελέκει τοῦτ᾽ ἔκαμον τὸ κύτος, | ἢ κορυφαῖς
Αἴτνας παρισούμενον, ἤ τινι νάσων, | ἃς Αἰγαῖον ὕδωρ Κυκλάδας ἐν δέδεται, | τοίχοις
ἀμφοτέρωθεν ἰσοπλατές; ἢ pa Τίγαντες τοῦτο πρὸς οὐρανίας ἔξεσαν ἀτραπιτούς. |
ἄστρων γὰρ ψαύει καρχήσια, καὶ τριελίκτους | θώρακας μεγάλων ἐντὸς ἔχει νεφέων. |
πείσμασιν ἀγκύρας ἀπερείδεται, οἷσιν ᾿Αβύδου | Répéns καὶ Σηστοῦ δισσὸν ἔδησε
πόρον. μανύει στιβαρᾶς κατ᾽ ἐπωμίδος ἀρτιχάρακτον | γράμμα, τίς ἐκ χέρσου τάνδ᾽
ἐκύλισε τρόπιν " | pari γὰρ ὡς ““Ἱέρων Ἱεροκλέος ᾿Ελλάδι πάσᾳ | καὶ νάσοις καρπῶν
πίονα δωροφόρον | Σικελίας σκαπτοῦχος ὁ Δωρικός." ἀλλά, Πόσειδον, | σῶζε κατὰ

γλαυκῶν σέλμα τόδε ῥοθίων. A certain Archimedes is the author of the epigram in |

the Anthology, vii. 50, the manuscript distinctly naming ᾿Αρχιμήδους, though
editors have printed this as ᾿Αρχιμήλου to match the name in Athenzos. Nothing
is known of this Archimelos.

74 Athenzeos, v. 40, ws δὲ περὶ τὸν καθελκυσμὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν
πολλὴ ζήτησις ἣν, ᾿Αρχιμήδης ὁ μηχανικὸς μόνος αὐτὸ κατήγαγε δι’ ὀλίγων σωμάτων.
κατασκευάσας γὰρ ἕλικα, τὸ τηλικοῦτον σκάφος εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν κατήγαγε. πρῶτος
δ᾽ ᾿Αρχιμήδης εὗρε τὴν τῆς ἕλικος κατασκευήν. Plutarch, Marcellus, 14, θαυμάσαντος
δὲ τοῦ Ἱέρωνος καὶ δεηθέντος εἰς ἔργον ἐξαγαγεῖν τὸ πρόβλημα καὶ δεῖξαί τι τῶν
μεγάλων κινούμενον ὑπὸ σμικρᾶς δυνάμεως, ὁλκάδα τριάρμενον τῶν βασιλικῶν πόνῳ
μεγάλῳ καὶ χειρὶ πολλῇ νεωλκηθεῖσαν, ἐμβαλὼν (᾿ Ἀρχιμήδης) ἀνθρώπους τε πολλοὺς
καὶ τὸν συνήθη φόρτον, αὐτὸς ἄπωθεν καθήμενος, οὐ μετὰ σπουδῆς ἀλλὰ ἠρέμα τῇ
χειρὶ σείων ἀρχήν τινα πολυσπάστου, προσηγάγετο λείως καὶ ἀπταίστως καὶ ὥσπερ
διὰ θαλάττης ἐπιθέουσαν. ἐκπλαγεὶς οὖν ὁ βασιλεύς, κιτιλ. For the meaning of
τριάρμενος, see note 124 onp. 54. The term πολύσπαστον denotes a combination of
ropes and pulleys, cf. Vitruvius, x. 2. to: and the term ἕλιξ may well denote the
same machine, for it conveys the notion of some sort of twisting, and the ropes

AND OTHER SHIPS OF HIGH TONNAGE. 29

that the ship was of abnormal size“. And then Moschion
dilates upon the luxury of the cabins and the baths and the
covered walks on deck, shaded by vines and whole gardens of
plants in pots; while Suetonius describes the very same
display of luxury on board Caligula’s yachts: and Caligula
was the emperor who built the great ship for the obelisk”.
Thus, in all probability, Moschion has blended some of the
characteristics of that great ship and those luxurious yachts
in a vessel of ideal size and splendour; and then endeavoured
to give reality to his idea by associating it with some vessel
that Hieron sent to Ptolemy.

Caligula perhaps was rivalled or surpassed in shipbuild-
ing by some of his successors: but there is no proof of this.
A great ship was built by Constantine for the Lateran
obelisk, which is the largest obelisk of all, and weighs between
441 and 442 tons”: but the Vatican obelisk came over with

here twisted round the pulleys. Archimedes’ screw was termed κοχλίας, and
obviously has nothing to do with this ἕλιξ. The story is subsequently told by
Proclos, in Euclidem, p. 18, οἷον δὴ καὶ ‘Iépwy ὁ Συρακούσιος εἰπεῖν λέγεται περὶ
᾿Αρχιμήδους, ὅτε τὴν τριάρμενον κατεσκεύασε ναῦν, ἣν παρεσκευάζετο πέμπειν IIrode-
μαίῳ τῷ βασιλεῖ τῷ Αἰγυπτίῳ. πάντων γὰρ ἅμα Συρακουσίων ἑλκύσαι τὴν ναῦν
οὐ δυναμένων, ᾿Αρχιμήδης τὸν Ιέρωνα μόνον αὐτὴν καταγαγεῖν ἐποίησεν. καταπλαγεὶς
δὲ ἐκεῖνος, κιτιλ. And again by Tzetzes, chiliades, ii. 103—108, ὁ ᾿Αρχιμήδης ὁ
σοφός, μηχανητὴς ἐκεῖνος, | τῷ γένει Συρακούσιος ἦν, γέρων γεωμέτρης, | χρόνους τε
ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ πέντε παρελαύνων, | ὅστις εἰργάσατο πολλὰς μηχανικὰς δυνάμεις, |
καὶ τῇ τρισπάστῳ μηχανῇ χειρὶ λαιᾷ καὶ μόνῃ | πεντεμυριομέδιμνον καθείλκυσεν
ὁλκάδα. There is a variant ἑπταμυριομέδιμνον for πεντεμυριομέδιμνον in the last
line.

7 Suetonius, Caligula, 37, and Athenzos, v. 41, 42, both quoted in note 133 on
pp: 58, 59.

7% Ammianus, xvii. 4. 13, φρο (obelisco) convecto per alveum Nili, proiectogue
Alexandria, navis amplitudinis antehac inusitate edificata est, sub trecentis re-
migibus agitanda. 14, guibus ita provisis, digressoque vita principe memorato
(sc. Constantino), urgens effectus intepuit: tandemque sero impositus navi per
maria fluentague Tybridis, velut paventis ne quod pene ignotus miserat Nilus,
ipse parum sub meatus sui discrimine maenibus alumnis inferret, defertur in vicum
Alexandri, tertio lapide ab urbe seiunctum ; unde chamulcis impositus, tractusque
lenius, per Ostiensem portam fpiscinamque publicam Circo illatus est Maximo.
The oars must have been auxiliary—see p. 20—for three hundred rowers would
have been of little service in propelling a ship of that size. According to Fontana,
Della trasportatione dell’ obelisco Vaticano, p. 70, the Lateran obelisk weighs
1,322,938 lbs.: and a ton contains about 2,996 lbs. of this measure. The existing
pedestal was constructed by Fontana in 1588.

30 THE TONNAGE OF THE WAR-SHIPS.

its pedestal, whereas this had none; and Caligula’s ship thus —
took a heavier load than Constantine’s. The merchant-ships
employed as transports with Justinian’s fleet in 533 A.D. must —

have carried from 120 to 200 tons apiece, and not from 120 to

“2,000, as stated in the current reading of Procopios. There

were five hundred of them; and if they carried 160 tons
upon the average, they carried 80,000 tons altogether, and
thus afforded ample transport for an army of only sixteen
thousand men: whereas the army would have had far more
transport than it needed, if the largest of the ships had
carried 2,000 tons apiece”.

-- War-ships were relatively-of-very-little-burden ; for they

were not meant to keep the sea, and consequently had hardly
‘anything to carry except their crew. Thus the Tiber was still
᾿ navigable as far as Rome for ten-banked war-ships at a time
/ when any merchant-ship carrying more than three thousand ~
talents was compelled to anchor at the mouth”. Therefore,

unless war-ships were relatively of lighter draught than

77 Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 11, ἤδη δὲ ξὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὴν és Καρχηδόνα
στρατείαν ἐν παρασκευῇ εἶχε, πεζοὺς μὲν στρατιώτας μυρίους, ἱππέας δὲ πεντακισ-

-

χιλίους ἔκ τε στρατιωτῶν καὶ φοιδεράτων ξυνειλεγμένους.. εἵποντο δὲ αὐτοῖς "Ερουλοι —
τετρακόσιοι, καὶ ξύμμαχοι βάρβαροι ἑξακόσιοι μάλιστα ἐκ τοῦ Μασσαγετῶν ἔθνους,

ἱπποτοξόται πάντες.. ναῦς δὲ ἡ ξύμπασα στρατιὰ πεντακοσίας ἦγε, καὶ αὐτῶν οὐδεμία
πλέον ἢ κατὰ μυριάδας πέντε μεδίμνων φέρειν οἵα τε ἦν, οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ ἔλασσον ἢ κατὰ
τρισχιλίους. ναῦται δὲ δισμύριοι ἐπέπλεον ἁπάσαις. A great number of these
sailors must have been employed as rowers on the war-ships: see note 45 on p. 17.
As the medimnos was primarily a measure for corn, the load was probably about
go lbs. for every medimnos: for a medimnos was equivalent to two cubic feet, and
the weight would be about 45 lbs. for every cubic foot, since corn weighs rather
more than 49 lbs. per cubic English foot. The emendation is necessarily χιλιάδας
for μυριάδας.

78 Dionysios of Halicarnassos, iii. 44, al μὲν οὖν ἐπίκωποι νῆες ὁπηλίκαι ποτ᾽
ἂν οὖσαι τύχωσι, Kal τῶν ὁλκάδων αἱ μέχρι τρισχιλιοφόρων, εἰσάγουσί τε διὰ τοῦ
στόματος αὐτοῦ καὶ μέχρι τῆς Ῥώμης εἰρεσίᾳ καὶ ῥύμασι παρελκόμεναι κομίζονται "
αἱ δὲ μείζους πρὸ τοῦ στόματος ἐπ᾽ ἀγκυρῶν σαλεύουσαι ταῖς ποταμηγοῖς ἀπογεμίζονταί
τε καὶ ἀντιφορτίζονται σκάφαις. Dionysios was at Rome from 30 to 8 Β.6., working
at his history; and ten-banked ships presumably were the largest war-ships then
afloat, as they were the largest that fought at Actium in 31 B.Cc.: see note 54
on p. 21. ;

79 Thucydides, iv. 118, citing the treaty of 423 B.C., Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ τοὺς
ξυμμάχους πλεῖν μὴ μακρᾷ νηΐ, ἄλλῳ δὲ κωπήρει πλοίῳ és πεντακόσια τάλαντα ἄγοντι
μέτρα.

!
'
᾿
'
|

THE TIMBER FOR SHIP-BUILDING. 3I

merchant-ships on account of some difference in design, a
war-ship of ten banks did not carry more than three thousand
talents, or 75 tons; and that would be the weight of a crew of
a thousand men, weighing twelve stone apiece upon the
average. At this rate a war-ship of three banks, with a crew
of two hundred men, carried only six hundred talents, or 15
tons: and in a treaty concluded at a time when war-ships
were normally of three banks, a prohibition against war-ships
is backed by a prohibition against any other ships propelled
by oars, if they carried more than five hundred talents ;
apparently, just to preclude the construction of vessels that
could be converted into war-ships on emergency”.

The hull, as a whole, generally was built of pine on
merchant-ships and fir on war-ships; though pine and cypress
and cedar were also used for war-ships, the practice varying
in different districts according to the nature of the timber
that they produced®. The timber for the keels was sacked
with especial care*. All the larger merchant-ships had keels

80 Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 1, ἐλάτη μὲν οὖν καὶ πεύκη καὶ
κέδρος, ὡς ἁπλῶς εἰπεῖν, ναυπηγήσιμα. τὰς μὲν γὰρ τριήρεις καὶ τὰ μακρὰ πλοῖα

ἐλάτινα ποιοῦσι διὰ κουφότητα, τὰ δὲ στρογγύλα πεύκινα διὰ τὸ ἀσαπές" ἔνιοι δὲ καὶ

τὰς τριήρεις διὰ τὸ μὴ εὐπορεῖν ἐλάτης. οἱ δὲ κατὰ Συρίαν καὶ Φοινίκην ἐκ κέδρου"
σπανίζουσι γὰρ καὶ πεύκης. οἱ δ᾽ ἐν Κύπρῳ πίτυος" ταύτην γὰρ ἡ νῆσος ἔχει, καὶ
δοκεῖ κρείττων εἷναι τῆς πεύκης. Plutarch, queestiones convivales, v. 3. 1, οὐ μὴν

ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν τῷ Ποσειδώνι φαίη τις ἂν τὴν πίτυν προσήκειν διὰ τὰς ναυπηγίας

μάλιστα. καὶ γὰρ αὐτὴ καὶ τὰ ἀδελφὰ δένδρα, πεῦκαι καὶ στρόβιλοι, τῶν τε ξύλων
παρέχει τὰ πλοιμώτατα, κιτ.λ. This στρόβιλος is presumably the Ζζόιζμς which
Pliny mentions as a species of the 2Ζ72ε5 st/vestris growing in Italy, and used there
for shipbuilding, xvi. 17, iburnicarum ad usus. Plato, leges, p. 705 C, τί δὲ δή;
ναυπηγησίμης ὕλης ὁ τόπος ἡμῖν τῆς χώρας πῶς ἔχει ;—ovK ἔστιν οὔτε τις ἐλάτη λόγου
ἀξία οὔτ᾽ αὖ πεύκη, κυπάριττός τε οὐ πολλή. Vegetius, iv. 34, ex cupresso igitur et
pinu domestica sive silvestri et abiete precipue liburna contextitur.

8! Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 2, τὴν δὲ τρόπιν τριήρει μὲν δρυίνην
(ποιοῦσι) ἵνα ἀντέχῃ πρὸς τὰς νεωλκίας, ταῖς δὲ ὁλκάσι πευκίνην--αὑποτιθέασι δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ
δρυίνην ἐπὰν νεωλκῶσι---ταῖς δὲ ἐλάττοσιν ὀξυίνην" καὶ ὅλως ἐκ τούτου τὸ χέλυσμα.
ef. v. 8. 3, ἡ δὲ τῶν Λατίνων ἔφυδρος πᾶσα" καὶ ἡ μὲν πεδεινὴ δάφνην ἔχει καὶ
μυῤῥίνους καὶ ὀξύην θαυμαστήν, τηλικαῦτα γὰρ τὰ μήκη τέμνουσι ὥστ᾽ εἶναι διηνεκῶς
τῶν Τυῤῥηνίδων ὑπὸ τὴν τρόπιν" ἡ δὲ ὀρεινὴ πεύκην καὶ ἐλάτην. In the former
passage Theophrastos says that the χέλυσμα was usually of beech, and in the
latter he speaks of beech-wood ὑπὸ τὴν τρόπιν : so these passages may justify the
assertion of Pollux, i. 86, τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τὴν τρόπιν τελευταῖον προσηλούμενον, τοῦ μὴ
τρίβεσθαι τὴν τρόπιν, χέλυσμα καλεῖται.

ἀκ

ee

4

32 THE VARIOUS KINDS OF TIMBER

of pine,-but were provided with false-keels of oak, if they
were going to be hauled up ashore or set upon one of those
ship-tramways which ran from sea to sea at Corinth and —
some other places; and the war-ships always had keels of Ἴ
oak, as they used.to be hauled up ashore almost every day. ©
Ships of any size generally had false-keels of beech; and —
the keel itself was made of beech in smaller vessels. Pine

82 Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 3, 7 δὲ τορνεία τοῖς μὲν πλοίοις
γίνεται συκαμίνου, medias, wredéas, πλατάνου" γλισχρότητα yap ἔχειν δεῖ καὶ ἰσχύν.

χειρίστη δὲ ἡ THs πλατάνου" ταχὺ γὰρ σήπεται. ταῖς δὲ τριήρεσιν ἔνιοι καὶ πιτυίναςἩ —

ποιοῦσι διὰ τὸ ἐλαφρόν. τὸ δὲ στερέωμα, πρὸς ᾧ τὸ χέλυσμα καὶ τὰς ἐπωτίδας, μελίας Ὁ
καὶ συκαμίνου καὶ πτελέας" ἰσχυρὰ yap δεῖ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι. ν. 7. 5, φίλυρα δὲ πρὸς τὰ
σανιδώματα τῶν μακρῶν πλοίων. See last note for χέλυσμα, and note 141 on p. 62 for —
érwrldes. The cavidwua must be some sort of planking, and the στερέωμα some —
sort of backing. The τορνεία would be timber cut to shape by carpenters; but
possibly ἡ δὲ τορνεία should be read ἡ δ᾽ évrepdveca, cf. Aristophanes, equites, 1185,
els Tas τριήρεις ἐντερόνεια, Livy xxvill. 45, tuteramenta navium. Plato, leges, —
Ῥ. 705 C, πίτυν τ᾽ αὖ καὶ πλάτανον ὀλίγην ἂν εὕροι τις, οἷς δὴ πρὸς τὰ ἐντὸς τῶν
πλοίων μέρη ἀναγκαῖον τοῖς ναυπηγοῖς χρῆσθαι ἑκάστοτε. Theophrastos, historia
plantarum, iv. 2. 8, καὶ ἐν ταῖς ναυπηγίαις χρῶνται πρὸς τὰ ἐγκοίλια αὐτῇ, SC.
ἀκάνθῃ. Theophrastos is describing the Egyptian acacia, or mimosa: and
Herodotos, ii. 96, remarks that the trading-vessels on the Nile were built entirely
of this. For ἐγκοίλια see note 95 on p. 39.

83 Tliad, xvi. 482—484, ἤριπε δ᾽, ws ὅτε τις δρῦς ἤριπεν, ἢ ἀχερωίς, | ἠὲ πίτυς
βλωθρή, τήν τ᾽ οὔρεσι τέκτονες ἄνδρες | ἐξέταμον πελέκεσσι νεήκεσι, νήιον εἶναι.
Odyssey, ν. 239, 240, κλήθρη 7” αἴγειρός τ᾽, ἐλάτη τ᾽’ ἣν οὐρανομήκης, | ada πάλαι,
περίκηλα, τά οἱ πλώοιεν ἐλαφρῶς. Thus, besides pine and fir, there are here ἔψο
kinds of poplar, dxepwls and atyeipos, and also oak and alder. Alder was so —
generally employed for shipbuilding in Italy that the Roman poets use a/nus like —
abies and Pinus to denote a ship. Virgil, georgics, i. 136, tune alnos primum —
fiuvit sensere cavatas, ii. 451, torrentem undam levis innatat alnus, cf. Atneid,
viii. 91, abies, x. 206, Pinus. Lucan, ili. 520, emeritas repetunt navalibus alnos. —
Silius, xii. 522, ¢ransmittunt alno vada. But they do not use guercus in this sense.
Valerius Flaccus, v. 66, is referring to the piece of Dodona oak in the bows of
the Argo. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 4. 3, δοκεῖ γὰρ (δρῦς) ὅλως ἀσαπὲς —
εἶναι" δι᾽ ὃ καὶ els τοὺς ποταμοὺς καὶ els τὰς λίμνας ἐκ τούτων ναυπηγοῦσιν" ἐν δὲ TH
θαλάττῃ σήπεται. But sea-going ships are described by Czesar, de bello Gallico, —
ill. 13, naves tote facte ex robore ad quamvis vim et contumeliam perferendam: and —
Strabo here translates ex robore by δρυίνης ὕλης, iv. 4.1. These ships, however, —
were peculiar to the Bay of Biscay. Claudian names beech with alder as a
wood for shipbuilding, de raptu Proserpine, iii. 365, fagos metttur et alnos: but —
the beech, like the oak, probably was wanted for the keel. Theophrastos,
historia plantarum, iv. 2. 6, ξύλον δὲ (βαλάνου) ἰσχυρὸν καὶ εἰς ἄλλα τε χρήσιμον —
καὶ εἰς τὰς ναυπηγίας. Theophrastos is describing the Egyptian moringa, the tree
that produces oil of ben.

ἊΣ
oF

EMPLOYED IN SHIP-BUILDING. 33

and plane, elm and ash, mulberry and lime and acacia, were
_ all employed in the interior of the hull®. And alder and
poplar and the timber of a balsam-tree are also named among
the kinds of wood in use in shipbuilding™®. But in some
outlandish districts the sides of the ships were formed of
leather instead of wood™. The masts and yards were made

f fir, or else of pine ; and so also were the oars™.

84 Cesar, de bello civili, i. 54, tmperat militibus Cesar ut naves faciant, cuius
generis eum superioribus annis usus Britannie docuerat. carine primum ac
statumina levi materia fiebant: religuum corpus navium viminibus contextum

coriis integebatur.. Lucan, iv. 131—135, primum cana salix madefacto vimine
parvam | texitur in puppim, cesoque inducta iuvenco | vectoris patiens tumidum
superenatat amnem.| sic Venetus stagnante Pado, fusoque Britannus | navigat
oceano. Pliny, vii. 57, etiam nunc in Britannico oceano (naves) vitiles corio
circumsute fiunt. Dion Cassius, xlviii. 18, δερμάτινα πλοῖα κατὰ τοὺς ἐν τῷ
ὠκεανῷ πλέοντας ἐκποιῆσαι ἐπεχείρησεν, ἔνδοθεν μὲν ῥάβδοις αὐτὰ κούφαις διαλαμβά-
νων, ἔξωθεν δὲ βοὸς δέρμα ὠμὸν ἐς ἀσπίδος κυκλοτεροῦς τρόπον περιτείνων. cf. 19,
πλοιάρια βύρσινα. Antiphilos, in the Anthology, ix. 306, ὑλοτόμοι παύσασθε νεῶν
χάριν. οὐκέτι πεύκη | κύματος, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη ῥινὸς ἐπιτροχάει. Strabo speaks of similar
vessels on the north coast of Spain, iii. 3. 7, διφθερίνοις πλοίοις, and also in the
Red Sea, xvi. 4. 19, δερματίνοις πλοίοις. Herodotos describes the practice in
Assyria, i. 194, ἐπεὰν γὰρ νομέας lréns ταμόμενοι ποιήσωνται, περιτείνουσι τούτοισι
διφθέρας στεγαστρίδας ἔξωθεν ἐδάφεος τρόπον, οὔτε πρύμνην ἀποκρίνοντες οὔτε πρῴρην
συνάγοντες, GAN ἀσπίδος τρόπον κυκλοτερέα ποιήσαντες, x.T.A. According to
Zosimos, iii. 13, five hundred vessels of this sort were built for Julian’s campaign
there in 363 A.D.

85 Tliad, vii. 5, 6, ἐπὴν κεκάμωσιν ἐυξέστῃς ἐλάτῃσιν πόντον ἐλαύνοντες.
Odyssey, xii. 171, 172, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐρετμὰ | ἑζόμενοι λεύκαινον ὕδωρ ξεστῇς ἐλάτῃσιν.
Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 1. 6, ἔστι δὲ καὶ πολύλοπον ἡ ἐλάτη καθάπερ
τς καὶ τὸ κρόμυον" ἀεὶ γὰρ ἔχει τινὰ ὑποκάτω τοῦ φαινομένου καὶ ἐκ τοιούτων ἡ ὅλη.

δι’ ὃ καὶ τὰς κώπας ξύοντες ἀφαιρεῖν πειρῶνται καθ᾽ ἕνα καὶ ὁμαλῶς ἐὰν γὰρ οὕτως
ἀφαιρῶσιν, ἰσχυρὸς ὁ κωπεών, ἐὰν δὲ παραλλάξωσι καὶ μὴ κατασπῶσιν ὁμοίως,
ἀσθενής" πληγὴ γὰρ οὕτως, ἐκείνως δ᾽ ἀφαίρεσις. ἔστι δὲ καὶ μακρότατον ἡ ἐλάτη
καὶ ὀρθοφυέστατον. δι᾽ ὃ καὶ τὰς κεραίας καὶ τοὺς ἱστοὺς ἐκ ταύτης ποιοῦσιν. Pliny,
xvi. 76, he omnium arborum altissime ac rectissima, sc. larix et abies. navium
malis antennisque propter levitatem prafertur abies. See also the passage quoted
from Pliny in note 68 on p. 26. Odyssey, xv. 289, 290, ἱστὸν δ᾽ εἰλάτινον κοίλης
ἔντοσθε μεσόδμης | στῆσαν delpayres. Apuleius, metamorphoses, xi. 16, zam malus
insurgit, pinus rotunda. Lucan, ii. 695, 696, dum iuga curvantur mali, dumque
ardua pinus | erigitur. iii. 529—531, valideque triremes, | guasque quater surgens
exstructi remigis ordo | commovet, et plures que mergunt equore pinus. According

_ to Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iv. I. 2, 4, wood from chilly places was
| reckoned the best for yards and oars, but not for masts. See also Claudian, de
raptu Proserpine, iii. 367—369, gue longa est, tumidis prebebit cornua velis: | que

Sortis, malo potior: que lenta, favebit | remigio.

Fe c

34 DRYING THE WOOD, “CALKING THE SEAMS,

The timber for ships never was seasoned thoroughly, as —
it then became too stiff to bend into the needful shapes: but,
as a rule, it was allowed some while for drying after it was
felled, and then for settling after it was built into a ship; for
otherwise the seams were likely to expand considerably and
admit the water®. The seams were calked by filling them with
' tow and other packing”, and fixing this with wax or tar: and
the whole of the outer planking was protected with a coat of tar

86 Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 4, τεκτονικῇ μὲν οὖν ἡ παλαιοτάτη
- (ὕλη) κρατίστη, ἐὰν ἢ ἀσαπής" εὐθετεῖ yap ws εἰπεῖν πᾶσι χρῆσθαι. ναυπηγικῇ δὲ
διὰ τὴν κάμψιν ἐνικμοτέρᾳ ἀναγκαῖον" ἐπεὶ πρός ye τὴν κόλλησιν ἡ ξηροτέρα
συμφέρει. ἵσταται γὰρ καινὰ τὰ ναυπηγούμενα καὶ ὅταν συμπαγῇ καθελκυσθέντα
συμμύει καὶ στέγει πλὴν ἐὰν μὴ παντάπασιν ἐξικμασθῇ" τότε δὲ οὐ δέχεται κόλλησιν
ἢ οὐχ ὁμοίως. Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, 9, γενομένην δὲ (ναθν) στῆναι δεῖ
καὶ παγῆναι σύμμετρον χρόνον, ἕως οἵ τε δεσμοὶ κάτοχοι γένωνται καὶ συνήθειαν of ὁ
γόμφοι λάβωσιν" ἐὰν δὲ ὑγροῖς ἔτι καὶ περιολισθαίνουσι τοῖς ἁρμοῖς κατασπασθῇ,
πάντα χαλάσει διατιναχθέντα καὶ δέξεται τὴν θάλατταν. Vegetius, iv. 36, “μας
etiam cavendum ne continuo, ut detecte fuerint; trabes secentur vel statim, ut secte@ —
fuerint, mittantur in navem; siquidem et adhuc solide arbores et iam divise per
tabulas duplices ad maiorem siccitatem mereantur indutias. nam que virides ἢ
compinguntur, cum nativum umorem exudaverint, contrahuntur et rimas faciunt ὦ
latiores. Thus, the notion was that the timber ought to be moderately dry, ᾿
ἐνικμοτέρα, ξηροτέρα, ad maiorem siccitatem, but not completely dry, μὴ παντάπασιν
ἐξικμασθῇ.

ὌΝ
ΕΣ

87 Jliad, ii. 135, καὶ δὴ δοῦρα σέσηπε νεῶν καὶ σπάρτα λέλυνται. This line ἰδ
noticed by Pliny, xxiv. 40, xondum enim fuisse Africanum vel Hispanum spartum ἢ
in usu, certum est: et cum sutiles fierent naves, lino tamen non sparto unquam
sutas. And also by Varro, apud Aulum Gellium, xvii. 3, 2 Grecia sparti copia ὦ
modo cepit esse ex Hispania: neque ea ipsa facultate usi Liburni, set hi plerasque £
naves loris suebant, Grect magis cannabo et stuppa ceterisque sativis rebus, a quibus I

μ

σπάρτα appellabant. At Portus near the mouth of the Tiber there was a guild οὐ
calkers entitled splendidissimum corpus stuppatorum: see Corp. Inscr. Latin. 4
vol. xiv, no. 44. Herodotos, ii. 96, ἔσωθεν δὲ τὰς ἁρμονίας ἐν ὧν ἐπάκτωσαν TH
βύβλῳ, sc. of Αἰγύπτιοι. Pliny, xvi. 64, ub Lignosiore callo (arundo) induruit, —
sicut in Belgis, contusa et interiecta navium commissuris ferruminat textus, glutino —
tenacior, rimisque explendis fidelior pice. Strabo, iv. 4. 1, οὐ συνάγουσι Tas —
ἁρμονίας τών σανίδων, ἀλλ᾽ ἀραιώματα καταλείπουσι" ταῦτα δὲ βρύοις διανάττουσι, a
This refers to the ships in the Bay of Biscay. ξ

88. Genesis, vi. 14, καὶ ἀσφαλτώσεις αὐτὴν (τὴν κιβωτὸν) ἔσωθεν καὶ ἔξωθεν τῇ
ἀσφάλτῳ. Hipponax, Fr. 50, apud Harpocrationem, 5. v. μάλθη :---ἔπειτα μάλθῃ
τὴν τρόπιν παραχρίσας, cf. Virgil, Aineid, iv. 398, uncta carina. This μάλθη was J
asphalte: see Pliny, ii. 108, 7 Commagenes urbe Samosatis stagnum est, emittens —
limum (maltham vocant) flagrantem. Pliny, xvi. 21, pix liguida in Europa e teda ὦ
coguitur navalibus muniendis, 23, non omittendum, apud eosdem zopissam vocari —
derasam navibus maritimis picem cum cera. cf. Arrian, periplus, 5, καὶ ὁ κηρὸς —

»
AND TARRING OR PAINTING THE SIDES. 35

or wax or both together®. The wax had to be melted over ,

a fire until it was soft enough to be laid on with a brush;
and usually some paint was melted with the wax, so that the
ship received a coat of colour in encaustic. Pliny states that

seven kinds of paint were used in this way, a purple, a violet, /

a blue, two whites, a yellow and a green; and at a later date

there was a paint which matched the colour of the waves™.’

This was selected for vessels employed in reconnoitring or

ἀπεξύσθη. Valerius Flaccus, i. 478—480, sors tibt, ne qua | parte trahat tacitum
puppis mare, fissaque fluctu | vel pice vel molli conducere vulnera cera. Ovid,
metamorphoses, xi. 514, 515, sfoliatague tegmine cere | rima patet, prebetque
viam letalibus undis. Lucian, dialogi mortuorum, 4, καὶ κηρόν, ws ἐπιπλάσαι τοῦ
σκαφιδίου τὰ ἀνεῳγότα. Plutarch, questiones convivales, v. 3. 1, πίττης τε καὶ
ῥητίνης ἀλοιφήν, ἧς ἄνευ τῶν συμπαγέντων ὄφελος οὐδὲν ἐν τῇ θαλάττῃ. Vegetius,
iv. 44, unctasque cera et pice et resina tabulas, sc. navium. Porphyrogenitos, de czeri-
moniis, ii. 45, ἐδόθη ὑπὲρ καλαφατήσεως τῶν αὐτῶν id KapaBlwy* d»/, cf. Zonaras,
xvii. 18, τῶν γὰρ τὰς νῆας καταπιττούντων ἦν αὐτῷ ὁ πατήρ, sc. ὁ Καλαφάτης.

89 Pliny, xxxv. 41, excausto pingendi duo fuisse antiquitus genera constat,
donec classes pingi cepere: hoc tertium accessit, resolutis igni certs penicillo utendt,
que pictura in navibus nec sole nec sale ventisgue corrumpitur. This must mean
that the new process was introduced when encaustic was first employed in painting
ships—not when ships first were painted, for that was in the earliest times.
Pliny, xxxv. 31, cere tinguntur iisdem his coloribus ad eas picturas que inuruntur,
alieno parietibus genere sed classibus familiari, iam vero et onerariis navibus, these
colours being purpurissum, indicum, ceruleum, melinum, auripigmentum, appia-
num and cerussa. The purpurissum was a shade of purple, and the ceruleum was
blue; while the z#dicaum was some colour between blue and purple, xxxv. 27, 722
diluendo mixturam purpure ceruleiqgue mirabilem reddit. The melinum is de-
scribed as candidum in xxxv. 19, and classed as a/bum in xxxv. 32; so this was
white. The auripigmentum was presumably a shade of orange. The appianum
was a shade of green, xxxv. 29, viride quod appianum vocatur, ‘The cerussa was
white-lead, xxxv. 19, est et colos tertius 6 candidis, cerusse, cutus rationem in
plumbi metallis diximus. fuit et terra per sein Theodoti fundo inventa Smyrna,
gua veteres ad navium picturas utebantur. nunc omnis ex plumbo et aceto fit, ut
diximus. But Vitruvius, vii. 7. 4, says that this ¢erra was creta viridis, and was
known as ¢heodotium, while Pliny, xxxv. 29, says that cveta viridis was used for
appianum. Vegetius, iv. 37, me tamen exploratorie naves candore prodantur,
colore veneto, qui marinis est fluctibus similis, vela tinguntur et funes; cera etiam,
qua ungere solent naves, inficitur. cf. Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, γλαυκοῖς μὲν
γέγραπται χρώμασι, sc. ναῦς λῃστρική. Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. b,
Il. 114—118, ὑπαλοιφὴ ἐμ φιδακνίῳ μέλαινα " ἑτέρα ἐν ἀμφορεῖ μέλαινα " ἑτέρα λευκὴ
ἐμ φιδακνίῳ" ἐν ἀμφορεῦσι δυοῖν λευκή. These paints were for the ships: see no.
803, col. 6, 1. 156, col. f, 1. 4. Polyzenos, v. 34, Νίκων Σάμιος κυβερνήτης,
πλησίον τριήρων πολεμίων ὁρμουσῶν, βουλόμενος παραπλεύσας λαθεῖν, τὴν ἀλοιφὴν τῆς
αὑτοῦ νεὼς ὁμοίαν καταχρίσας ταῖς πολεμίαις τριήρεσι, ἔπλει κ-.τ.λ.

2

36 DECORATIVE PAINTING ON THE HULL.

piracy, to keep them out of sight. But the encaustic was—
often put to a better use than merely giving the ship a coat
of colour; and elaborate designs were painted all along the —
sides, with great groups of~figures at the ends, especially δὲ
‘ the stern®. Such groups may be seen on the sterns of the —
Greek ships of about 200 8.6. in fg. 24 and the Roman ship ©
of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29. The earliest Greek ships had
only patches of colour on the bows, blue or purple or ver-

99 Athenzos, v. 37, ζῶα μὲν γὰρ εἶχεν (ἡ ναῦς) οὐκ ἐλάττω δώδεκα πηχῶν κατὰ —
πρύμναν τε καὶ πρῴραν, καὶ πᾶς τόπος αὐτῆς κηρογραφίᾳ κατεπεποίκιλτο, τὸ δ᾽
ἔγκωπον ἅπαν μέχρι τῆς τρόπεως κισσίνην φυλλάδα καὶ θύρσους εἶχε πέριξ. 42, ἡ δὲ
ναῦς πᾶσα οἰκείαις γραφαῖς ἐπεπόνητο, where οἰκείαις denotes encaustic, the genus
classibus familiare of Pliny, xxxv. 31: see last note. Valerius Flaccus, i. 127 ff, —
constitit ut longo moles non pervia ponto | puppis, et ut tenues subiere latentia
cere | lumina, picture varios superaddit honores. | hic... 140, parte alia...... a
describing in detail two large groups. On one side, Thetis is riding on a dolphin ~
towards the home of Peleus. Three of the Nereids are following her; and
Galatea, the last of these, is beckoned back to Sicily by Polyphemos. In front of
Thetis is the home of Peleus, where she is seen again at a banquet of the sea-gods.
The centaur Cheiron is playing to them on the lyre. On the other side, the
centaurs have broken loose at the marriage-feast of Hippodameia. Peleus and his
comrades keep them off with sword and spear. The monsters wield fire-brands ©
and use their hoofs; but one is still in his cups and another is galloping away.
Horace, odes, i. 14. 14,15, 7111 pictis timidus navita puppibus | fidit. Ovid, fasti, iv.
275, 2760, picta coloribus ustis | celestum matrem concava puppis habet, heroides,
16. 112 —114, accipit et pictos puppis adunca deos. | qua tamen tpse vehor, comitata
Cupidine parvo | sponsor coniugti stat dea picta sut, tristia, i. 4. 7, 8, monte mec
inferior prore puppique recurve | insilit, et pictos verberat unda deos. Persius, vi.
30, imgentes de puppe dei. Propertius, iv. 6. 49, vehunt prore Centauros saxa
minantes. Lucian, navigium, 5, τὴν ἐπώνυμον τῆς νεὼς θεὸν ἔχουσα τὴν Ἶσιν
ἑκατέρωθεν, sc. ἡ πρῷρα. These last passages, however, may perhaps refer to”
carvings: see note 148 on p. 65. On the other hand, several of the passages quoted —
in that note probably refer to paintings. Aristophanes, ranz, 932, Διόνυσος :---
τὸν ξουθὸν ἱππαλεκτρυόνα ζητῶν, τίς ἐστιν ὄρνις. 933, Αἰσχύλος :---σημεῖον ἐν
ταῖς ναυσίν, ὦμαθέστατ', ἐνεγέγραπτο. The allusion is to the verses quoted
from Aéschylos by the scholiast, in pacem, 1177, ἀπὸ δ᾽ αὖτε EovOds ἱππαλεκτρυὼν |
στάζει κηρόθεν τῶν φαρμάκων πολὺς πόνος. The reading is corrupt: but κηρόθεν,
suggests a word akin to κηρός, and the sense is obviously that the picture melted
off in drops while the vessel was burning. That seems to be the earliest record —
of encaustic on a ship. Hipponax, Fr. 49, apud Tzetzen, in Lycophronem, 424,
μιμνῆ κακομήχανε, μηκέτι ypdyys | ὄφιν τριήρευς ἐν πολυζύγῳ τοίχῳ | ἀπ᾽ ἐμβόλου
φεύγοντα πρὸς κυβερνήτην. The point of this appears to be that the painter meant
to put a horizontal band of colour round the ship, but drew it so unsteadily that it —
twisted about like a snake. According to Pliny, xxxv. 36, there was a tale that —
Protogenes was once a painter of ships; but the phrase xaves pinxisse is ambiguous, —

os 4

*
tn δ'

ὁ τ

METAL SHEATHING ROUND THE HULL. 37

milion, the rest of the hull being black with tar; and possibly
the painting on the bows was not in wax”. Occasionally,
the coats of wax or tar were replaced by a sheathing of lead
outside the outer planking, some layers of tarred sail-cloth
being interposed between the metal and the wood™.

The timbers of a ship were held together by wooden pegs

?

and metal nails; and bronze was preferred to iron for the nails, | /\

as it was better able to resist the action of the water™, When/ ”

and may refer to pictures on ships or pictures of ships. It was said that he
introduced ships in the background in two of his masterpieces, wt appareret a
quibus initits ad arcem ostentationis opera sua pervenissent: and this suggests that
he had begun life as a painter of rough pictures of ships. Such pictures were
presumably in great demand at a large sea-port like Rhodes, where Protogenes
resided, for it was then the custom to dedicate pictures as thank-offerings for escape
from storm and shipwreck: see Cicero, de natura deorum, iii. 37.

9 Herodotos, iii. 58, τὸ-δὲ παλαιὸν ἅπασαι αἱ νέες ἔσαν μιλτηλιφέες. The
epithet μιλτοπάρῃος occurs once in the Iliad, ii. 637, that is to say, in the
Catalogue, and once in the Odyssey, ix. 125; and the epithet φοινικοπάρῃος occurs
twice in the Odyssey, xi. 124, xxiii. 271: but μέλαινα and κυανόπρῳρος are the
normal epithets in both the poems, so that τὸ παλαιόν cannot include the earliest
times. The colour must have been confined to patches on the bows, for in the
Odyssey, xiv. 308, 311, a ship is first described as μέλαινα and then as κυανό-
apwpos, and the παρήια would not be far from the ὀφθαλμοί and σίμωμα, as to
which see note 147 on p. 65 and note 153 on p. 69.

9 Athenzos, Vv. 40, Td μὲν οὖν ἥμισυ τοῦ παντὸς τῆς νεὼς ἐν μησὶν ἕξ εἰργάσατο,
καὶ ταῖς ἐκ μολίβου ποιηθείσαις κεραμίσιν ἀεὶ καθ᾽ ὃ ναυπηγηθείη μέρος περιελαμ-
βάνετο....... ws δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ μέρη τῆς νεὼς ἐν ἄλλοις ἕξ μησὶ κατεσκευάσθη, καὶ τοῖς
χαλκοῖς ἥλοις πᾶσα περιελήφθη, ὧν οἱ πολλοὶ δεκάμνοοι ἦσαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἄλλοι τούτων
ἡμιόλιοι " διὰ τρυπάνων δ᾽ ἦσαν οὗτοι ἡρμοσμένοι, τοὺς σταμίνας συνέχοντες ᾿" μολυβδί-
vais δὲ κεραμίσιν ἀπεστεγανοῦντο πρὸς τὸ ξύλον, ὑποτιθεμένων ὀθονίων μετὰ πίττης.

_ Although Athenzos asserts here that sheathing was used on a ship belonging to

Hieron, he may really be describing a practice of Caligula’s time or afterwards:
see pp. 27—29. L.B. Alberti, de re cedificatoria, v. 12, ex navi Traiant per hos
dies dum que scripsimus commentarer ex lacu Nemorensi eruta (quo loci annos plus
Mccc demersa et destituta iacuerat) adverti pinum materiam et cupressum egregie
durasse: in ea tabulis extrinsecus duplicem superextensam et pice atra perfusam
telam ex lino adglutinarant supraque id chartam plumbeam claviculis eneis coadfir-
marant. This was written in 1485 A.D.

% Odyssey, v. 248, γόμφοισιν δ᾽ dpa τήν γε καὶ ἁρμονίῃσιν ἄρασσεν. 361, ὄφρ᾽
ἂν μέν κεν δούρατ᾽ ἐν ἁρμονίῃσιν ἀρήρῃ. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 369, 370, ἵν᾽ εὖ
ἀραροίατο γόμφοις | δούρατα. ii. 79—81, ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε νήια δοῦρα θοοῖς ἀντίξοα youpors |
ἀνέρες ὑληουργοί, ἐπιβλήδην ἐλάοντες, | θείνωσι σφύρῃσιν. Plutarch, de fortuna
Romanorum, 9, ὥσπερ γὰρ ὁλκὰς ἢ τριήρης ναυπηγεῖται μὲν ὑπὸ πληγῶν καὶ βίας
πολλῆς, σφύραις καὶ ἥλοις ἀρασσομένη καὶ γομφώμασι καὶ πρίοσι καὶ πελέκεσι,
γενομένην δὲ στῆναι δεῖ καὶ παγῆναι σύμμετρον χρόνον, ἕως οἵ τε δεσμοὶ κάτοχοι

aa

ῳ

ἢ ΡΝ SHIPS IN SECTIONS FOR TRANSPORT.

necessary, these fastenings were arranged in such a way that
the ship could easily be divided into sections for transport
overland; and war-ships of three and four and five banks
were thus conveyed to distant waters, presumably in thirty or
forty sections apiece, since those of thirty oars used to be —
divided into three™.

γένωνται καὶ συνήθειαν οἱ γόμφοι λάβωσιν. cf. AEschylos, supplices, 846, γομφοδέτῳ
δόρει. Thus, while the δεσμοί are coupled with the γόμφοι by Plutarch, the
ἁρμονίαι are coupled with the yéudo in the Odyssey, so the ἁρμονίαι and the ~
δεσμοί may be the same things under different names: cf. Odyssey, v. 33, σχεδίης
πολυδέσμους And as the γόμφοι certainly were pegs, the δεσμοί or ἁρμονίαι would
naturally be the sockets for those pegs. Apparently γομφώμασι is equivalent to
γόμφοις in the passage just quoted from Plutarch, and ἁρμοσμάτων to ἁρμονιῶν in
Euripides, Helena, 411, τρόπις δ᾽ ἐλείφθη ποικίλων ἁρμοσμάτων. In that passage Ὶ
Plutarch mentions 70 as well as γόμφοι, and these were usually of metal: see —
Athenzos, v. 40, quoted in the last note, χαλκοῖ ἧλοι. Czesar, de bello Gallico,
iii. 13, ¢ranstra pedalibus in latitudinem trabibus confixa clavis ferreis digiti pollicis
crassitudine. Vegetius, iv. 34, utilius (liburna) @reis clavis quam ferreis confin-
genda ; quamlibet enim gravior aliguanto videatur expensa ; tamen, quia amplius —
durat, lucrum probatur afferre: nam ferreos clavos tepore et umore celeriter robigo —
consumit, «γ΄ δὲ autem etiam in fluctibus propriam substantiam servant. See also
Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, quoted in note 97 on p. 40, and Tacitus, —
historize, iii. 47, quoted in the note on camare on p. 107.

% Arrian, anabasis, v. 8, ταῦτα ὡς ἔγνω ᾿Αλέξανδρος, Κοῖνον μὲν τὸν Πολεμο- —
κράτους πέμψας ὀπίσω ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ινδὸν ποταμόν, τὰ πλοῖα ὅσα παρεσκεύαστο αὐτῷ ἐπὶ
τοῦ πόρου τοῦ ᾿Ινδοῦ ξυντεμόντα κελεύει φέρειν ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν Ὑδάσπην ποταμόν. καὶ —
ξυνετμήθη τε τὰ πλοῖα καὶ ἐκομίσθη αὐτῷ, ὅσα μὲν βραχύτερα διχῆ διατμηθέντα, ai —
τριακόντεροι δὲ τριχῆ ἐτμήθησαν, καὶ τὰ τμήματα ἐπὶ ζευγῶν διεκομίσθη ἔστε ἐπὶ τὴν
ὄχθην τοῦ Ὑδάσπου κἀκεῖ ξυμπηχθὲν τὸ ναυτικὸν αὖθις δὴ ὁμοῦ ὥφθη ἐν τῷ Ὑδάσπῃ.
According to Arrian, anabasis, vii. 19, already quoted in note 13 on p. 6, ships
of three and four and five banks were afterwards brought over from the Medi-
terranean to the Euphrates for Alexander’s fleet. See also Strabo, xvi.i. rt, and
Quintus Curtius, x. 1. 19, already quoted in that same note. The vessels on the
Indus are mentioned by Curtius, vill. 10. 2, zussttgue ad flumen Indum procedere
et navigia facere, quis in ulteriora transportari posset exercitus. tlli, quia plura
lumina superanda evant, sic tunxere naves ut solute plaustris vehi possent rursusque
coniungi. All these devices are attributed to Semiramis by Diodoros, ii. 16,
μετεπέμψατο δὲ kal ναυπηγοὺς ἔκ τε Φοινίκης καὶ Συρίας καὶ Κύπρου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης τῆς
παραθαλαττίου χώρας, οἷς ἄφθονον ὕλην μεταγαγοῦσα διεκελεύσατο κατασκευάζειν —
ποτάμια πλοῖα διαιρετά. τῇ, ναῦς δὲ ποταμίας κατεσκεύασε διαιρετὰς δισχιλίας, αἷς
παρεσκευάσατο καμήλους τὰς πεζῇ παρακομιζούσας τὰ σκάφη. Diodoros is quoting
from Ctesias, and Ctesias lived before the time of Alexander; so these devices
were customary in those regions. It is said that Nero tried to drown Agrippina by
putting her on board a vessel that was to come to pieces on the voyage: Suetonius,
Nero, 34, solutilem navem. But the project miscarried: Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5,
nec dissolutio navigit sequebatur.

CC νὐνοννν΄ῃῳὩτὰὐτπὐὐὥὀσν“ῃὩ΄ὐὩὩὩὩὩὩῬ᾿Ῥ᾿΄᾿Ὃ᾿Ὃ᾿ὦὋὦοὦὁἍὁὍὃὕὦὔ.. οὦο». τ οππ-

een ee

iz

THE KEEL AND RIBS, STEM-POST, ETC. 39

The outer framework of the hull consisted of a keel and ,
ribs”. There was not any stern-post; nor was there a stem- |
post, unless the ship was built ‘to carry a ram. And thus in Ze
war-ships and merchant-ships alike the after part of the kee
curved slowly upwards till it reached the level of the deck;, ~
while in the merchant-ships the fore part made a similar curve

% Ovid, heroides, 16. 109, 110, fundatura citas flectuntur robora naves, | texitur
et costis panda carina suis. Procopios, de bello Gothico, iv. 22, ἥ τε yap τρόπις
μονοφυὴς οὖσα ἐκ πρύμνης ἄκρας ἄχρι és τὴν πρῷραν διήκει, κατὰ βραχὺ μὲν
θαυμασίως ἐπὶ τὸ κοῖλον ὑποχωροῦσα, καὶ αὖ πάλιν ἐνθένδε κατὰ λόγον εὖ μάλα ἐπὶ τὸ
ὀρθόν τε καὶ διατεταμένον ἐπανιοῦσα. τά τε παχέα ξύμπαντα ξύλα ἐς τὴν τρόπιν
ἐναρμοσθέντα---ἅπερ οἱ μὲν ποιηταὶ δρυόχους καλοῦσιν, ἕτεροι δὲ νομέας---ἐκ τοίχου
μὲν ἕκαστον θατέρου ἄχρι ἐς τῆς vews διήκει τὸν ἕτερον τοῖχον. This ship was
preserved at Rome as a relic of Aineas: see note 55 on p. 21. The term δρύοχοι
occurs in the Odyssey, xix. 574, where the axes are set up in a long row like the
ribs of a ship, dpvdxous ws. Also in Polybios, i. 38, αὖθις ἔγνωσαν ἐκ τῶν δρυόχων
εἴκοσι καὶ διακόσια ναυπηγεῖσθαι σκάφη, in Plato, Timzos, p. 81 B, οἷον ἐκ δρυόχων,
and in similar passages; the notion being that a ship was altogether new, if the
ribs were new, as they formed the best part of the framework. The term νομέες
is employed by Herodotos, ii. 96, περὶ yéudous πυκνοὺς καὶ μακροὺς περιείρουσι τὰ
διπήχεα ξύλα" ἐπεὰν δὲ τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ ναυπηγήσωνται, ζυγὰ ἐπιπολῆς τείνουσι
αὐτῶν" νομεῦσι δὲ οὐδὲν χρέονται. This seems to mean that the ribs (νομέες) were
replaced by trenails (γόμφοι) in these trading-vessels on the Nile, 2.6. the timbers
of the side were not nailed to vertical supports behind them, but were held together
by vertical supports which ran right through them. The term νομέες is again
applied to the ribs in the passage quoted from Herodotos in note 84 on p. 33; and
in the passage quoted from Czsar in that note the ribs are termed statumina,
which answers to σταμίνες in Greek. Odyssey, v. 252, 253, ἴκρια δὲ στήσας, ἀραρὼν
θαμέσι σταμίνεσσι, | ποίει" ἀτὰρ μακρῇσιν ἐπηγκένίδεσσι τελεύτα. These σταμίνες
must be the ribs, which stand behind the timbers of the side, ἐπηγκενίδες, and
support the upper decking, ¢kpia. And in the passage quoted in note 92 on p. 37
Athenzeos says incidentally that the skin and sheathing of the ship were nailed to
the σταμίνες. Athenzeos classes the σταμίνες with ἐγκοίλια and γόμφοι---οἴ. v. 40,
γόμφους τε kal ἐγκοίλια καὶ craulvas—and these yéudor may be the trenails which
Herodotos describes as substitutes for ribs. In translating from Theophrastos,
historia plantarum, iv. 2. 8, Pliny renders ἐγκοίλια by coste, xiii. 19. And the coste
were the ribs, this metaphor surviving from those times: but the ἐγκοίλια were
metaphorically the guts—évrepéveia, cxteramenta, see note 82 on p. 32. They are
mentioned again by Strabo, xv. 1. 15, κατεσκευασμένας δὲ (ναῦς) ἀμφοτέρωθεν
ἐγκοιλίοις μητρῶν χωρίς. In the medizval galleys every pair of ribs was in three
sections, the mavzere in the middle and the stamenali at each end; and these terms
must be survivals of μῆτραι and σταμίνες. So, if a vessel had σταμίνες or ἐγκοίλια
without μῆτραι, each pair of ribs made an acute angle at the keel. Leo, tactica,
xix. 5, ἐχέτω δὲ καὶ ἐκ περισσοῦ ξύλα τινὰ ἐγκοίλια Kal σανίδας καὶ στυππία καὶ πίσσαν
καὶ ὑγρόπισσον. These things apparently were meant for stopping up holes in
the ship’s side, the ἐγκοίλια being a makeshift for ribs to put behind the planks,

40 STRUCTURE AND THICKNESS OF THE SIDES,

towards the bows™®. The skin of the ships was formed of
planking laid upon the ribs, and fastened through them to
the beams”. This planking was seldom of any great thickness:
sometimes three inches, sometimes only two and a quarter,
and rarely more than five and a quarter™. But outside the ©
planking there usually were several waling-pieces, that is to —
say, long strips of timber running horizontally round the ship —
in the manner shewn in fgs. 20 to 23, 26 and 29, and known ©
accordingly as zosteres, or belts™.

96 The contour of the earliest Greek ships is indicated by the epithets in the —
Iliad, xviii. 3, νεῶν ὀρθοκραιράων, 338, νηυσὶ κορωνίσι, 573, βοῶν ὀρθοκραιράων, cf.
Theocritos, xxv. 151, βουσὶ κορωνίσι. And if the ships curved upwards at the ends —
like a bull’s horns, the στείρη was simply the fore part of the keel, not a separate —
stem-post. Iliad, i. 481, 482, ἀμφὶ δὲ κῦμα | orelpy πορφύρεον μεγάλ᾽ ἴαχε νηὸς
ἰούσης. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 525—527, Πηλιὰς ἴαχεν ’Apyw......... ἐν γάρ οἱ
δόρυ θεῖον ἐλήλατο, τό ῥ᾽ ἀνὰ μέσσην | στεῖραν ᾿Αθηναίη Δωδωνίδος ἥρμοσε φηγοῦ.
Thus when Lucian says ἡ τῆς ᾿Αργοῦς τρόπις ἐλάλησεν, somnium, 2, and speaks
of τὴν ᾿Αργώ, τὴν λάλον αὐτῆς τρόπιν, de saltatione, 52, he implies that the keel —
curved upwards till it ended in the figure-head. Lucian, navigium, 5, ws δὲ 7
πρύμνα μὲν ἐπανέστηκεν ἠρέμα καμπύλη χρυσοῦν χηνίσκον ἐπικειμένη, καταντικρὺ
δὲ ἀνάλογον ἣ πρῷρα ὑπερβέβηκεν ἐς τὸ πρόσω ἀπομηκυνομένη. That refers to a
merchant-ship of about 150 A.D.: and the contour seems there to be the same as
in the earliest Greek ships. Hence that curvature of the keels which is noted by
Ovid and Procopios in the passages quoted at the beginning of the last note.

57 Bianor, in the Anthology, xi. 248, ἤδη γάρ μιν ἅπασαν ἐπὶ ζυγὰ γομφωθεῖσαν |
ἤλειφον πεύκης TH λιπαρῇ νοτίδι. It was clearly the skin that was bolted to the
beams, as it was the skin that received the coat of tar. Procopios, de bello Gothico,
iv. 22, σανίς re πρὸς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἑκάστη ἐκ πρύμνης ἄκρας és τῆς νηὸς ἐξικνεῖται τὴν
ἑτέραν ἀρχήν, μηνοειδὴς οὖσα καὶ κέντρα σιδηρᾷ τούτου ἕνεκα προσλαβοῦσα μόνον,
ὅπως δὴ ταῖς δοκοῖς ἐναρμοσθεῖσα τὸν τοῖχον ποιεῖ. ‘These δοκοί are presumably the
beams, though possibly they are the παχέα ξύλα which Procopios has just defined
—see note 95—as δρύοχοι, or ribs: cf. Athenzeos, v. 44, πῶς δὲ κατὰ δρυόχων ἐπάγη
gavis; Czesar, de bello Gallico, iii. 13, transtra pedalibus in latitudinem trabibus —
confixa clavis ferreis. These trabes appear to be the timbers of the side. }

98 Diogenes Laertios, i. 103, μαθὼν (’Avdxapo.s) τέτταρας δακτύλους εἶναι τὸ
πάχος τῆς νεώς, τοσοῦτον ἔφη τοῦ θανάτου τοὺς πλέοντας ἀπέχειν. cf. Juvenal, xii.
58, 59, digitis a morte remotus | guattuor, aut septem, si sit latissima teda. Dion
Chrysostom, oratio 64, p. 594, οὐδὲ yap πίττῃ τὴν ψυχὴν οὔτε σχοινίοις ἐπιτρέπουσιν,
οὔτε τριδάκτυλον αὐτοὺς σώζει ξύλον πεύκινον.

99 Heliodoros, Aithiopica, i. 1, ὁλκὰς ἀπὸ πρυμνησίων ὥρμει, τῶν μὲν ἐμπλε-
ὄντων χηρεύουσα, φόρτου δὲ πλήθουσα" καὶ τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν συμβαλεῖν καὶ τοῖς
πόῤῥωθεν" τὸ γὰρ ἄχθος ἄχρι καὶ ἐπὶ τρίτου ζωστῆρος τῆς νεὼς τὸ ὕδωρ ἀνέθλιβεν.
These ζωστῆρες can only be the waling-pieces which figure so prominently on the
merchant-ships of that period in plate 6. There does not appear to be any earlier
instance of this use of the term. Later instances are plentiful. Manasses, 4876,

CABLES FOR STRENGTHENING THE SIDES. 41

On the war-ships the hull was strengthened externally by a
set of cables. These were known as ypozomata, or girdles,
and used to be fastened round the ship horizontally ; the two
ends of each cable being joined together, so as to make it a
complete girdle extending from stem to stern along the
starboard side and back from stern to stem along the port
side™ On the Egyptian ships of about 1250 B.C, as in
fes. 4 and 5, similar cables were stretched from stem to stern
over posts amidship™: but these clearly were intended to

4877, ἐπὶ γὰρ τρίτον τῆς νηὸς τῆς φορτηγοῦ ζωστῆρα | τὴν θάλασσαν ἀνέθλιβε τῶν
ἀγωγίμων βάρος, where Zonaras says, xv. 25, φορτὶς βάρει τῶν ἀγωγίμων πεφορτισ-
μένη, καὶ τούτῳ μέχρις ἐσχάτου ζωστῆρος καταβεβαπτισμένη. Theodoros Prodromos,
Rhodanthe et Dosicles, v- 444, 445, ἐκ δευτέρου ζωστῆρος ἄχρι καὶ τρίτου | πίλοις
κατεσκέπαστο ναστοῖς παχέσιν. Unlike the others, these were war-ships, cf. 439,
462: and the padding was meant to turn off missiles. Anna Comnena, vi. 5,
αὗται δὲ (ai νῆες) τῇ κουφότητι ἐπεπόλαζον οἷον τοῖς ὕδασιν ἀνεχόμεναι, ws μηδ᾽ ἄχρι
δευτέρου ζωστῆρος τοῦ ὕδατος φθάνοντος. The waling-pieces had perhaps been known
as oé\wara in earlier times. Euripides, Cyclops, 503—506, πλέως μὲν οἴνου, |
γάνυμαι δὲ δαιτὸς By, | σκάφος, ὁλκὰς ὥς, γεμισθεὶς | ποτὶ σέλμα γαστρὸς ἄκρας.

100 Athenzos, v. 37, τὴν τεσσαρακοντήρη ναῦν κατεσκεύασεν ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ, τὸ
μῆκος ἔχουσαν διακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα πηχῶν, ὀκτὼ δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα ἀπὸ παρόδου ἐπὶ
πάροδον, ὕψος δὲ κ-τ.λ........ ὑποζώματα δὲ ἐλάμβανε δώδεκα" ἑξακοσίων δ᾽ ἦν ἕκαστον
πηχῶν. Each of these cables being 600 cubits in length, while the ship was 280 in
length and 38 in breadth, each one would just ‘be long enough to pass once round
the ship from stem to stern. These measurements may all be fictitious, for Athen-
8805 is quoting from Callixenos: but Callixenos presumably took the trouble to see
that his measurements were consistent with each other, so the statement is admissible
as evidence that the girding-cables would have been of this length on a ship of these
dimensions. Some similar cables on a battering-ram are mentioned by the other
Athenzos, mechanica, p. 6, ὑποζώννυται δὲ ὅλος ὁ κριὸς ὅπλοις ὀκταδακτύλοις τρισί,
‘kal διαλαμβάνεται κατὰ μέσον ἐκ τριῶν διαλειμμάτων ἁλύσεσι πηχυαίαις : and these
statements are repeated by Vitruvius, x. 15. 6, a-capite autem ad imam calcem tigni
contenti fuerunt funes U1 crassitudine digitorum Vill, ita religati guemadmodum
navis a puppi ad proram continetur; eiusque precincture funes transversis erant
ligati, habentes inter se palmipedalia spatia, This shews that the girding-cables
went from the stem of a ship to the stern. Plato, civitas, p. 616 Ὁ, οἷον ra ὑποζώ-
para τῶν τριήρων, οὕτω πᾶσαν συνέχον τὴν περιφοράν. This shews that these cables
went right round a ship externally. Throughout the inventories of the Athenian
dockyards the ὑποζώματα are named among the σκεύη κρεμαστά, which are dis-
tinguished from the σκεύη é’\wa—see, for example, the passages cited in note
1o3—and this excludes the notion that they were made of wood.

101 The ends of these cables seem to be coiled round the stem and the stern:
but those coils may belong to smaller cables for strengthening these parts, as
similar coils are represented at the stern of one of the Greek war-ships of about
200 B.C. in the so-called Telephos frieze from Pergamos.

42 CABLES FOR STRENGTHENING THE SIDES,

prevent the ship from hogging, and would have been super-—
fluous on Greek or Roman war-ships, which had decking
enough to hold the stem and stern together. The girding-
cables proved of service to the war-ships in keeping the ~
timbers firm when the ship was labouring in a seaway, or —
forcing them back into position afterwards if any of them —
had been started’: yet these cables must primarily have
been intended to prevent the ship from going to pieces under
the heavy shocks from ramming and the constant strain from
the working of so many oars, for otherwise they would have
been employed on merchant-ships also. In the Athenian
navy a set of girding-cables was provided for every ship of
three or four banks, though possibly the set did not consist οὗ
more than two; and occasionally this provision was in- —
creased. Thus in 324 B.C., when a squadron was leaving for —
the Adriatic, every ship of three or four banks was supplied _

1022 Apollonios Rhodios, i. 367—370, νῆα δ᾽ émixparéws”Apyou ὑποθημοσύνῃσ |

ἔζωσαν πάμπρωτον ἐυστρεφεῖ ἔνδοθεν ὅπλῳ | τεινάμενοι ἑκάτερθεν, ἵν᾿ εὖ ἀραροίατο

γόμφοις | δούρατα, καὶ ῥοθίοιο βίην ἔχοι ἀντιόωσαν. cf. Horace, odes, i. 14.6—9, ac
sine funibus | vix durare carine | possint imperiosius | equor. Appian, de bellis
civilibus, v. gt, 6 δὲ (Πομπήιος) οὔτε περὶ τῆς γῆς ἐνενόησεν, οὔτε τοῖς λειψάνοις τοῦ ν

ναναγίου παροῦσιν ἢ ἀπιοῦσι, καταστάντος τοῦ κλύδωνος, ἐπεχείρησεν " ἀλλ᾽ ὑπερεῖδεν —

ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν διαζωννυμένους τὰ σκάφη, καὶ ἀνέμῳ διαπλέοντας ἐς τὸ Ἱππώνειον.

The διά in διαζωννυμένους is perhaps a corruption of ὑπό resulting from a repetition —
of the διά in dvardéovras. Acts, xxvii. 17, βοηθείαις ἐχρῶντο, ὑποζωννύντες TO
πλοῖον. This obscure statement seems to mean that they used expedients which
answered the purpose of the ing-cables. They would not find any of these
cables on board, for they wor a merchant-ship, and these were used for war-
ships: nor could they fix them on a ship during a storm at sea, for even in a
dockyard this was a long and troublesome process. cf. Polybios, xxvii. 3, Kal ©
τεσσαράκοντα ναῦς συμβουλεύσας τοῖς Ῥοδίοις ὑποζωννύειν, ἵνα, ἐάν τις ἐκ τῶν καιρῶν
γένηται χρεία, μὴ τότε παρασκευάζωνται πρὸς τὸ παρακαλούμενον, ἀλλ᾽ ἑτοίμως
διακείμενοι πράττωσι τὸ κριθὲν ἐξαυτῆς. The phrase βοηθείαις ἐχρῶντο ὑποζωννύντες
matches Appian’s phrase ἐκ τῶν δυνατῶν διαζωννυμένους : but Appian is speaking
of war-ships already provided with ὑποζώματα. Apollonios indeed refers to
ὑποζώματα on the Argo, which was hardly a war-ship: yet he is justified in
treating her as such, since he takes her for a ship of fifty oars.

103 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, 11. 66—102, no. 808, col. d,
ll, 119-151, no. 809, col. 6, ll. 75—110, no. 811, col. c, Il. r1—32. These are

the lists of the entire gear (ἐντελῆ σκεύη) supplied to ships of three and four —

banks in 330/329 B.c. and following years; and in every case they mention
ὑποζώματα in the plural, but without any further indication of the number allowed
for each ship. The opinion that there were more than three is founded on a

AND LEATHERS FOR CLOSING THE PORTS. 43

with two girding-cables in addition to the usual set; while
every al supplied with four, and every |
ship of thirty oars with two, borrowed from the stock ο΄
girding-cables intended for the three-banked ships. Such
cables would fit the cavalry-transports, as these were old
three-banked ships; but would be far too long for the thirty-
oared ships, unless each cable made two girdles: in which
case a ship of three banks must have been fully twice as long
as a ship of thirty oars™.

The sides of ἃ war-ship had to be pierced with a row of Vy
port-holes for each bank of oars below the first; so that
a ship of several banks was almost honey-combed. On the
Athenian ships these openings were closed against the water
by leathern bags termed askomata, which could Sing round
the oars without much hindrance to their motion™; and some
protection here was indispensable, as the gap eeuiesally was

restoration of no. 809, col. b, 1. 131. The words ὑποζώματα ἐπὶ vais HHAAAI
are followed by καὶ τὸν ||| on the margin of the stone, and this has been restored

as καὶ (ὑπο) ζώμ](ατα) Ill, the TON being changed to L{LM: but such a
restoration seems unwarrantable.

104 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 809, col. a, ll. r—63, ships of three banks:
in each case σκεύη ἔχουσιν ξύλινα ἐντελῆ, κρεμαστὰ ἐντελῇ, καὶ ἕτερα ὑποζώματα
ἔλαβον τῶν ἐγλυθέντων δύο κατὰ ψήφισμα δήμου, ὃ εἶπεν ᾿Αγνωνίδης Περγασῆθεν,
ll. 64---οο, cavalry-transports: in each case σκεύη ἔχουσιν ξύλινα ἐντελῆ, κρεμαστὰ

ἐντελῆ, ὑποζώματα δὲ [{{{| τριηριτικῶν, or τῶν ἐγλυ(θέντων) τριηρ(ιτικῶν), 1]. 91--
164, ships of thirty oars: in each case—disregag@ling minor differences—oxevn

ἔχει ξύλινα ἐντελῆ, κρεμαστά, ὑποζώματα τριηριτικὰ τῶν ἐγλυθέντων δύο ἔλαβεν κατὰ
Ψήφισμα δήμου, ὃ εἶπεν ᾿Αγνωνίδης Περγασῆθεν, col. b, ll. 40---45, ἃ ship of four
banks: σκεύη ἔχει κρεμαστὰ ἐντελῇ καὶ ὑποζώματα I| τῶν ἐγλυθέντων κατὰ ψήφισμα
δήμου, ὃ εἶπεν ᾿Αγνωνίδης Περγ(ασῆθεν).

105 See pp. 21, 22, as to the grounds for thinking that the lengths were 70 ft.
and 150 ft. respectively.

06 Corp. Inser. Attic. vol. ii, no. 791: some of the ships are marked #oxwrat,
others are marked ἀσκωμάτων ἡ ἀρχὴ ἔχει AAAAFHFEEII usually abbreviated
into ἀσκω. ἡ ἀρχὴ ἔχει AAAAFFEII, while others are marked ἀσκώματα
τριήραρχος always abbreviated into ἀσκώ. τριήραρχος or ἀσκώ. tpi. The term
ἄσκωμα must denote a leathern bag of some sort: the cost of a set, 43 drachms
2 obols, shews that each ship had a great many: the expression #oxwrac shews
that they were fixtures: and a joke by Aristophanes indicates that they were fixed
on the ports, Acharnenses, 97, ἄσκωμ᾽ ἔχεις που περὶ τὸν ὀφθαλμὸν κάτω.

44 THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE PORTS AND OARS, ,

large enough for a man to put his head through™. In the
Roman ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25 similar bags may be
observed around the oars just outside the ports. Curiously,
y/the edges of the ports were not utilized as rowlocks; and —
the oars of all the lower banks were worked against tholes to
which they were fastened by leathern loops, just like the
oars above the gunwale™.
In the Phcenician two-banked ships of about 700 B.C. in —
fgs. 10 and 11, and also in the Athenian two-banked ship οὖ
about 500 B.C. in fg. 17, the oars of the first bank pass over 1
the gunwale, and the ports of the second bank lie midway |

between the tholes of the first and somewhat lower down. —
The ports of the third bank in a three-banked ship would ©
then be placed midway between the ports of the second and — :
somewhat lower down ; so that these ports of the third bank |
would lie vertically below the tholes of the first, while the .
ports of the second would lie diagonally between: and in the
Athenian three-banked ship of about 400 B.c. in fg. 21 the
ports of the third bank are approximately in this position™. —
The ports of the fourth bank would then be placed vertically —
below the ports of the second, the ports of the fifth bank
vertically below the ports of the third, and so on, the ports

107 Herodotos, v. 33, ὁ δὲ δεινόν τι ποιησάμενος ἐκέλευσε τοὺς δορυφόρους
ἐξευρόντας τὸν ἄρχοντα ταύτης τῆς νεός, τῳ οὔνομα ἦν Σκύχαξ, τοῦτον δῆσαι διὰ
θαλαμίης διελόντας τῆς νεὸς κατὰ τοῦτο, ἔξω μὲν κεφαλὴν ποιεῦντας, ἔσω δὲ τὸ
σῶμα. With ports of this size there necessarily was some leakage in rough ~
weather in spite of the ἀσκώματα. Arrian, periplus ponti Euxini, 3, κοίλην μὲν
γὰρ δι᾽ ὀλίγου τὴν θάλατταν (τὸ πνεῦμα) ἐποίησεν, ὡς μὴ κατὰ Tas κώπας μόνον, ἀλλὰ
καὶ ὑπὲρ τὰς παρεξειρεσίας ἐπεισρεῖν ἡμῖν ἑκατέρωθεν ἀφθόνως τοῦ ὕδατος. Lucilius,
in the Anthology, xi. 245, οἱ τοῖχοι, Διόφαντε, τὰ κύματα πάντα δέχονται, | καὶ διὰ
τῶν θυρίδων ᾿᾽Ωκεανὸς φέρεται. ἷ

108 Odyssey, viii. 53, ἠρτύναντο δ᾽ ἐρετμὰ τροποῖς ἐν δερματίνοισι. Aischylos, —
Perse, 375, 376, ναυβάτης τ᾽ ἀνὴρ | τροποῦτο κώπην σκαλμὸν ἀμφ᾽ εὐήρετμον. —
Aristophanes, Acharnenses, 553, θαλαμιῶν τροπουμένων. Vitruvius, x. 3. 6, etiam Σ
remi circa scalmos struppis religati cum manibus impelluntur et reducuntur. '
ZEschylos and Vitruvius are both speaking of oars generally, not merely of oars —
above the gunwale, and Aristophanes refers explicitly to a lower bank; so that —
all the oars must have had these tholes and loops. The loops were known as
κωπητῆρες OY τροπωτῆρες as well as τροποί : see note 114 on p. 47. It is clear that :
the oars were worked against the tholes, and not against the loops: see Aristotle, —
mechanica, 5, quoted in note 115 on ἢ. 48.

AND PROBABLE ARRANGEMENT OF THE ROWERS. 45

being thus kept clear of the ship’s ribs : but there is no direct
evidence that this system was pursued. If the rowers in_
fe. 21 are men of ordinary stature, the gunwale of this three-
banked ship must be rather more than three feet above the
water-line, and the tholes of the first bank rather more than
two feet above the ports of the third: yet clearly there
cannot be space enough for the rowers of the first bank to
sit vertically above the rowers of the third, or for the rowers
of the second bank to sit diagonally between. The three
lines of rowers on either side of a three-banked ship would
naturally be ranged along three tiers of seats ascending
from the centre of the ship like steps, so that each rower
in the lower banks could get frée play for his oar beneath
the legs of a rower in the next bank above. But there are
no materials for rigidly determining the relative positions of
the lines of rowers in these three-banked ships, or in the
larger war-ships. Ξ

In the earliest Greek ships the beams formed the upper
limit of the hold, and above them were the thwarts for the
rowers of the single bank; these thwarts doubtless being
placed in the intervals between the beams, so that the rowers
might plant their feet against the beams, and make them

109 The first two horizontal bands above the water-line seem to be waling-
pieces, and the next is unquestionably the gunwale with tholes above for the
first bank of oars. The ports of the third bank are just above the lower
waling-piece, and almost vertically below the tholes of the first bank. But
the ports of the second bank are hard to find. Three sets of bands run
downwards from the gunwale, the first to the upper waling-piece, the second
to the lower waling-piece, and the third to the water-line; and these all look
like portions of the hull. But apparently the bands that reach the water-line
were intended for the oars of the second bank, and should have ended in
ports just above the upper waling-piece, though the sculptor has carelessly
prolonged them to the gunwale like their neighbours.—These waling-pieces appear
again upon the three-banked ship represented in relief on Trajan’s Column; and
here the ports of the third bank are between the waling-pieces, and the ports of
the second bank unmistakably between the upper waling-piece and the gunwale.
The ports of the second bank are probably meant to lie diagonally between the
tholes of the first and the ports of the third; though in that case an oar has been
omitted in the third bank, either to avoid confusion, or from mere carelessness.
In the first bank the oars are hopelessly entangled in a railing above the gunwale :
_and altogether the design makes little pretension to accuracy of detail.

46 THE BEAMS, THWARTS OR SEATS,

serve as stretchers’’. A second bank of oars could thus be

added to a ship without any alteration in her build, simply —

by seating rowers on the beams and piercing port-holes for
111,

their oars™’; and with a slight increase in her freeboard, a —

third bank could be added by putting rowers in the hold just
underneath the rowers of the first bank. But if the rowers
of the first bank sat on thwarts, the rowers of the third bank
must have been seated so much lower down that these thwarts
were clear of their heads: and the thwarts may have therefore
been replaced by planks that did not reach across the ship,
so that the rowers of the third bank might be nearly on a
level with the rowers of the first, if only they were seated a
little further inboard™*. The beams must then have been

110 Odyssey, ix. 98, 99, τοὺς μὲν ἐγὼν ἐπὶ νῆας ἄγον κλαίοντας ἀνάγκῃ, | νηυσὶ
δ᾽ ἐνὶ γλαφυρῇσιν ὑπὸ ζυγὰ δῆσα ἐρύσσας. xiii. 2ο---22, καὶ τὰ μὲν εὖ κατέθηχ᾽
ἱερὸν μένος ᾿Αλκινόοιο, | αὐτὸς ἰὼν διὰ νηὸς ὑπὸ ζυγά, μή τιν᾽ ἑταίρων | βλάπτοι
ἐλαυνόντων, ὁπότε σπερχοίατ᾽ ἐρετμοῖς. cf. Theognis, 513, 514, νηός τοι πλευρῇσιν
ὑπὸ ζυγὰ θήσομεν ἡμεῖς, | Κλεάρισθ᾽, of’ ἔχομεν χοῖα διδοῦσι θεοί. The ζυγά are
not mentioned in the Iliad; but the compounds πολύζυγος and éxaréfvyos occur
there, ii. 293, xx. 247. These beams are not to be confounded with the seats.
Iliad, xv. 728, 729, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνεχάζετο τυτθόν, ὀιόμενος θανέεσθαι, | θρῆνυν ἐφ᾽ ἑπταπόδην,
λίπε δ᾽ ἴκρια νηὸς ἐίσης. This name θρῆνυς is preserved in θρανίτης, which denoted
a rower of the first bank in ships with more than one bank, while ξυγίτης denoted
a rower of the second bank. But the name is changed to κληίς in the Odyssey,
ii. 419, ἂν δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ βάντες ἐπὶ κληῖσι κάθιζον, Vili. 37, 38, δησάμενοι δ᾽ εὖ πάντες
ἐπὶ κληῖσιν ἐρετμὰ | ἔκβητ᾽, xii. 214, 215, ὑμεῖς μὲν κώπῃσιν ἁλὸς ῥηγμῖνα βαθεῖαν |
τύπτετε κληίδεσσιν ἐφήμενοι, xiii. 76, 77, τοὶ δὲ κάθιζον ἐπὶ κληῖσιν ἕκαστοι | κόσμῳ,
cf. iv. 579, ix. 103, 179, 471, 563, xi. 638, xii. 146, xv. 221, 5490. The κληῖδες are
mentioned only once in the Iliad, and then in a questionable line, xvi. 170—see

note 1 on p. 2—but the compound πολυκλήις occurs several times in the Iliad as —

well as the Odyssey. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 395, 396, κληῖδας μὲν πρῶτα πάλῳ

διεμοιρήσαντο, | ἄνδρ᾽ ἐντυναμένω δοιὼ μίαν. Apollonios therefore supposed that —

the «Andes reached right across the ship and seated two rowers apiece: but the

expression in the Odyssey, xiii. 76, ἐπὶ κληῖσιν ἕκαστοι, suggests that each rower ὺ

was on a separate seat. The expression in the Iliad, xv. 729, θρῆνυν ἐφ᾽ ἑπταπόδην,
makes it clear that the θρήνυες reached right across the ship. This θρῆνυς was
apparently the nearest to the stern, so the width thereabouts would thus be seven
feet internally: and that is likely enough, as three-banked ships were nowhere
more than twenty feet in width: see note 57 on p. 22.

ΠῚ Arrian, anabasis, vi. 5, ὅσαι Te δίκροτοι αὐτῶν τὰς κάτω κώπας οὐκ ἐπὶ πολὺ
ἔξω ἔχουσαι τοῦ ὕδατος. Arrian is contrasting the war-ships of two banks with
those of a single bank, for there were not any ships of more than two banks in the
fleet: so the ships of two banks must havé carried oars at a lower level than the
ships of one bank,

AND STRETCHERS FOR THE ROWERS. 47

displaced, if a fourth bank was to be appended to the second
as the third was to the first: but there is nothing to shew
whereabouts the beams were placed in any of the larger
war-ships, or where space was found in three-banked ships
for the additional beams that sometimes were inserted to

make them seaworthy"®, To mitigate the roughness of the
beams or other seats, every rower was provided with a cushion/|

a

which he carried about with him from ship to ship™,

Ships normally attain their greatest width in the middle Pay
and their greatest height at the ends, curving outward “and
downward from the ends towards the middle. And, according
to Aristotle, the nearer amidship a rower sat, the greater was
his leverage on his oar, as he had a greater length of oar

12 Euripides, Helena, 1531—1533, Σιδωνίαν ναῦν πρωτόπλουν καθείλκομεν, |

ζυγῶν τε πεντήκοντα κἀρετμῶν μέτρα | ἔχουσαν. There are here as many ζυγά as
oars: and when Theocritos says τριακοντάζυγον ᾿Αργώ, xiii. 74, he seems to be
giving the legendary ship thirty oars instead of fifty, for ships of sixty oars do not
appear in legend. This indicates that the rowers now had separate seats, the
term ζυγά being applied to seats in any of the banks. Sophocles, Ajax, 249, 250,
ἢ θοὸν εἰρεσίας ζυγὸν ἑζόμενον | ποντοπόρῳ val μεθεῖναι. Latin authors use ¢ranstra
in this sense. Virgil, Aineid, iv. 573, comsidete transtris, v. 136, considunt
transtris, intentaque brachia remis, etc. cf. Cicero, in Verrem, ii. v. 51, quoted in
note 129 on p. 56. Virgil and Cicero include ships of three and four banks in
these allusions ; and such ships could hardly have a tier of beams for every bank
of oars. The two-banked ships of the Byzantines certainly had two tiers of beams,
ζυγοί, with two rowers on each beam—see note 46 on p. 18—but these were ships
of quite another type.

118 Thucydides, i. 29, καὶ τὰς ναῦς ἅμα ἐπλήρουν, ζεύξαντές τε τὰς παλαιὰς ὥστε
πλοίμους εἶναι καὶ τὰς ἄλλας ἐπισκευάσαντες. Ships in this condition are marked
διάζυξ in the inventories of the Athenian dockyards: see Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol.
ii, no. 809, col. b, 1. 45, no. 811, col. Ὁ, 1. 144, no. 812, col. a, 1. 144, and also no.
808, col. a, 1. 20, with the fragment in the appendix at p. 515.

14 Thucydides, ii. 93, ἐδόκει δὲ λαβόντα τῶν ναυτῶν ἕκαστον Thy κώπην καὶ τὸ
ὑπηρέσιον καὶ τὸν τροπωτῆρα πεζῇ ἰέναι κιτ.λ. Plutarch, Themistocles, 4, τὸ δόρυ
καὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα τῶν πολιτῶν παρελόμενος, εἰς ὑπηρέσιον καὶ κώπην συνέστειλε τὸν τῶν
᾿Αθηναίων δῆμον. The term ὑπηρέσιον was applied to saddles for horses, cf.
Diodoros, xx. 4. 1; so it must here denote some similar covering for the thwarts.

Pollux, x. 40, τὸ ναυτικὸν ὑπηρέσιον ἰδίως ἐν ταῖς Ὥραις Kparivos προσκεφάλαιον, cf.
Hesychios, s.v. mavixrév:—Epuimmos ἐν Στρατιώταις, A. ὥρα τοίνυν μετ᾽ ἐμοῦ
χωρεῖν ἐπὶ κωπητῆρα, λαβόντα | καὶ προσκεφάλαιον, ἵν᾽ ἐς τὴν ναῦν ἐμπηδήσας
ῥοθιάζξῃς. | B. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δέομαι, πανικτὸν ἔχων τὸν πρωκτόν. Cratinos and Hermippos
were both contemporary with Thucydides. The τροποί mentioned in the Odyssey,
Vill. 53—see note 108 on p. 44—are here styled tporwrfpes by Thucydides and
κωπητῆρες by Hermippos.

ἵἿ

48 STRUCTURE FOR SEATING THE ROWERS, ἵ
inboard by reason of the greater width of the ship™’. So the 7

‘ lines of rowers did not follow the ship’s curve outward. The

Ws

oars may have increased in length towards the middle of
each bank™: yet the increase inboard must have been rela-
tively greater than the increase outboard, for otherwise the
leverage would have remained the same. So the lines of
rowers could not have followed the ship’s curve downward,
as the oars amidship would then have lost their hold upon
the water. And if the lines of rowers did not follow the
ship’s curve outward or downward, they presumably were
straight. The rowers would consequently be seated in a
rectangular structure within the ship; and as every rower
must have been seated some way inboard to give him the
necessary leverage on his oar, this structure would nowhere
occupy the whole width of the ship.

~—

115 Aristotle, mechanica, 5, διὰ τί of μεσόνεοι μάλιστα τὴν ναῦν κινοῦσιν ; ἢ διότι,
ἡ κώπη μοχλός ἐστιν; ὑπομόχλιον μὲν γὰρ ὁ σκαλμὸς γίνεται---μένει yap δὴ τοῦτο"
τὸ δὲ βάρος ἡ θάλαττα, ἣν ἀπωθεῖ ἡ κώπη ὁ δὲ κινῶν τὸν μοχλὸν ὁ ναύτης ἐστίν.
ἀεὶ δὲ πλέον βάρος κινεῖ, ὅσῳ ἂν πλέον ἀφεστήκῃ τοῦ ὑπομοχλίου ὁ κινῶν τὸ βάρος. ἐν
μέσῃ δὲ τῇ νηὶ πλεῖστον τῆς κώπης ἐντός ἐστιν" καὶ γὰρ ἡ ναῦς ταύτῃ εὐρυτάτη ἐστίν, —
ὥστε πλεῖον ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα ἐνδέχεσθαι μέρος τῆς κώπης ἑκατέρου τοίχου ἐντὸς εἶναι —
τῆς νεώς. ᾿

116 Aristotle, de partibus animalium, iv. 10, καὶ ὁ ἔσχατος δὲ (τῶν δακτύλων) μικρὸς —
ὀρθῶς, καὶ ὁ μέσος μακρός, ὥσπερ κώπη μέσον νεώς" μάλιστα yap τὸ λαμβανόμενον 9
ἀνάγκη περιλαμβάνεσθαι κύκλῳ κατὰ τὸ μέσον πρὸς Tas ἐργασίας. Galen, de usu
partium, i. 24, διὰ τί δὲ ἄνισοι πάντες ἐγένοντο (οἱ δάκτυλοι) καὶ μακρότατος ὁ μέσος ;
ἢ ὅτι τὰς κορυφὰς αὐτῶν ἐπὶ ἴσον ἐξικνεῖσθαι βέλτιον ἦν ἐν τῷ περιλαμβάνειν ὄγκους —
τινὰς μεγάλους ἐν κύκλῳ;...... καθάπερ, οἶμαι, κἀν ταῖς τριήρεσι τὰ πέρατα τῶν κωπῶν
εἰς ἴσον ἐξικνεῖται, καίτοι Ὑ οὐκ ἴσων ἁπασῶν οὐσῶν" καὶ γὰρ οὖν κἀκεῖ τὰς μέσας
μεγίστας ἀπεργάζονται διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν. Aristotle and Galen are apparently ©
asserting here that the oars amidship were longer than the rest. But in the
inventories of the Athenian dockyards the oars of a bank are always classed
together as though they were all exactly alike. So these assertions may only
apply to the aspect of the oars inside the ship. When Galen adds that the —
ends of the oars all reached equally far, he probably means that the inner
ends reached a line parallel to the ship’s keel, the oars being of unequal
length inboard—he could hardly mean that they reached a curve parallel to
the ship’s side, the oars being of equal length inboard, for then he would be
contradicting Aristotle, mechanica, 5: but possibly he means that the outer
ends reached a line parallel to the ship’s keel, the oars being of equal length
altogether but unequal outboard and unequal inboard also, or that they reached
a curve parallel to the ship’s side, the oars being of unequal length altogether but —
equal outboard and unequal inboard only. ι 7

AND SUPERSTRUCTURE TO COVER THIS. 49

A heavy superstructure is represented on the Phcenician
ships of about 700 B.c. in fgs. 10 and 11 and on the Greek
ships of about 550 B.c. in fgs. 15 and 16 and also on the
Athenian ship of about 400 B.c. in fg. 21. At the top there
is a deck like the hurricane-deck on modern ships. That
deck must be the £atastroma: for these representations tally
with the statements of ancient authors that this was the post
of the combatants on board Greek ships when in action, while
in Phoenician ships it was of larger build, and was occupied
by dignitaries during voyages, the space below being fully
occupied by rowers'’. If the rowers in fg. 21 are men of
ordinary stature, that hurricane-deck stands about four feet
above the gunwale; and about a foot above the gunwale
there is another piece of planking. This must be the star-
board gangway: for there was a farodos, or gangway, on

‘7 Thucydides, i. 49, συμμίξαντες δὲ ἐναυμάχουν, πολλοὺς μὲν ὁπλίτας ἔχοντες
ἀμφότεροι ἐπὶ τῶν καταστρωμάτων, πολλοὺς δὲ τοξότας τε καὶ ἀκοντιστάς, τῷ παλαιῷ
τρόπῳ ἀπειρότερον ἔτι παρεσκευασμένοι. Plutarch, Themistocles, 14, τὰς μὲν

᾿Ἑλληνικὰς οὐκ ἔβλαπτε ναῦς (τὸ κῦμα) ἁλιτενεῖς οὔσας καὶ ταπεινοτέρας, τὰς δὲ

βαρβαρικὰς ταῖς τε πρύμναις ἀνεστώσας καὶ τοῖς καταστρώμασιν ὑψορόφους καὶ
βαρείας ἐπιφερομένας ἔσφαλλε προσπῖπτον καὶ παρεδίδου πλαγίας τοῖς “Ἕλλησιν.

᾿ Herodotos, viii. 118, αὐτὸς δὲ (Ξέρξης) ἐπὶ νεὸς Φοινίσσης ἐπιβὰς ἐκομίζετο ἐς

τὴν ᾿Ασίην. πλώοντα δέ μιν ἄνεμον Στρυμονίην ὑπολαβέειν μέγαν καὶ κυματίην.
καὶ δὴ μᾶλλον γάρ τι χειμαίνεσθαι γεμούσης τῆς νεὸς ὥστε ἐπὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος
ἐπεόντων συχνῶν Περσέων τῶν σὺν Ξέρξῃ κομιζομένων, ἐνθαῦτα ἐς δεῖμα πεσόντα
τὸν βασιλέα εἴρεσθαι βώσαντα τὸν κυβερνήτεα εἴ τις ἔστι opt σωτηρίη, καὶ τὸν
εἶπαι---δέσποτα, οὐκ ἔστι οὐδεμία. εἰ μὴ τούτων ἀπαλλαγή τις γένηται τῶν πολλῶν
ἐπιβατέων. 119, εἰ γὰρ δὴ ταῦτα οὕτω εἰρέθη ἐκ τοῦ κυβερνήτεω πρὸς Ξέρξεα,
ἐν μυρίῃσι γνώμῃσι μίαν οὐκ ἔχω ἀντίξοον μὴ οὐκ ἂν ποιῆσαι βασιλέα τοιόνδε,
τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τοῦ καταστρώματος καταβιβάσαι ἐς κοίλην νέα ἐόντας Πέρσας καὶ
Περσέων τοὺς πρώτους, τῶν δ᾽ ἐρετέων ἐόντων Φοινίκων ὅκως οὐκ ἂν ἴσον πλῆθος
τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἐξέβαλε ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν. The term κατάστρωμα was habitually

applied to the deck for combatants on war-ships: but it also was applied to the

upper deck on merchant-ships. Thus the depth of a merchant-ship is reckoned
by Lucian, navigium, 5, ἀπὸ τοῦ καταστρώματος és τὸν πυθμένα, ἣ βαθύτατον κατὰ
τὸν ἄντλον. cf. Demosthenes, in Phormionem, 10, γεγεμισμένης yap ἤδη τῆς
νεώς, ws ἀκούομεν, μᾶλλον τοῦ δέοντος, προσανέλαβεν ἐπὶ τὸ κατάστρωμα χιλίας
βύρσας, ὅθεν καὶ ἡ διαφθορὰ τῇ νηὶ συνέβη, Synesios, epistolz, p. 178, πλείτω δὲ
δεδεμένος ἐπὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος" μὴ γὰρ εἰς κοίλην ναῦν καταβαίη, ἐπεὶ μὴ θαυμάσῃς
εἰ συχνὰ τῶν κεραμίων ἡμιδεῆ σοι ποιήσει. Indeed, the term was not reserved
exclusively for the decks of ships. Athenzos applies it to the flooring or roofing
of a battery erected on an armed merchant-ship, v. 43, τεῖχος δέ, ἐπάλξεις ἔχον Kal
καταστρώματα, διὰ νεὼς ἐπὶ κιλλιβάντων κατεσκεύαστο" ἐφ᾽ οὗ λιθοβόλος ἐφειστήκει.

a, ad

ἢ

‘able for working the supplementary oars known as ferinedt.

a

50 THE-SUPERSTRUCTURE, ETC.

either side of a Greek war-ship; and as combatants were
posted on the gangways as well as on the hurricane<iaala
these gangways formed part of the upper decking’. Thus”
the upper decking of a Greek war-ship must have consisted
of a hurricane-deck, which did not extend from side to side,
and two gangways, which were placed a few feet lower down
and occupied the remaining width. And the superstructure
between the gangways, comprising the hurricane-deck and
its vertical supports on either side, would naturally correspond :
to the rectangular structure below for the rowers, and hence |
would form the top of that structure.

This hurricane-deck was apparently the only place avail-

The length of these oars on the Athenian three-banked ships —
was nine cubits or nine and a half, that is to say, thirteen
feet and a half or fourteen and a quarter’’; some change
occurring soon after 400 B.C. In the Athenian three-banked
ship of this date in fg. 21 the hurricane-deck must be abou
five cubits above the water-line, and the gangway about
two cubits below the hurricane-deck, if those rowers of th ;

118 Athenzos, v. 37, τὸ μῆκος ἔχουσαν (τὴν ναῦν) διακοσίων ὀγδοήκοντα πηχῶν »
ὀκτὼ δὲ καὶ τριάκοντα ἀπὸ παρόδου ἐπὶ πάροδον, ὕψος δὲ κιτ.λ. The measuremen t
from πάροδος to πάροδος is clearly intended for the breadth, so the πάροδοι were a
the sides; and their name implies that they were gangways. Athenzos is indeed
quoting from Callixenos, so the measurement may be false, or the ship imaginary:
yet the statement proves that measurement from πάροδος to πάροδος was a recog-
nized mode of reckoning the breadth of a war-ship. Plutarch, Demetrius, °

ὁπλίτας δεχομένην (τὴν ναῦν) ἐπί τε τῶν παρόδων καὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος dN
τρισχιλίων dmodéovras. Plutarch is likewise quoting from Callixenos: but the
statement proves that combatants were normally posted on the mdpodo of a war-
ship. In the passage already quoted in note 35 on p. 14 Memnon speaks of the
combatants as οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων μαχησόμενοι, and the mdpodor and
κατάστρωμα may here be classed together as καταστρώματα : but apparently the
plural was treated as equivalent to the singular, cf. Pausanias, i. 29, a
καθῆκον és ἐννέα ἐρέτας ἀπὸ τῶν καταστρωμάτων. According to the present
reading, Thucydides says καὶ αὗται οὕπω εἶχον διὰ πάσης καταστρώματα, i. 14, in
speaking of the ships built by the Athenians under Themistocles, as though their
ships afterwards had καταστρώματα διὰ πάσης νεώς, which might mean that these
hurricane-decks reached right across the ship and left no space for gangways. But
the words διὰ πάσης must be a corruption of some word connected with διάβασιϑ.
cf. Plutarch, Cimon, 12, ὥρμησεν (Κίμων) ἄρας ἀπὸ Κνίδου καὶ Τριοπίου διακοσίαις,
τριήρεσι. πρὸς μὲν τάχος ἀπ᾽’ ἀρχῆς καὶ περιαγωγὴν ὑπὸ Θεμιστοκλέους ἄριστι

THE SUPPLEMENTARY OARS. SI

upper bank are men of ordinary stature: and as the gangway
would hardly be more than a cubit in width, an oar of nine
cubits and a half might dip quite a cubit and a half in the
water, if worked from the hurricane-deck with seven cubits
and a half outboard and two cubits inboard. Some oars
are certainly being worked from the hurricane-deck in the
Athenian ship of about 600 B.c. in fg. 14: and these pre-
sumably are ferinedt, since they are not in the banks. And
if half a bank was allotted to these supplementary oars in the
ships termed ¢rzemzoliaz, this may have been because nytt
was not any hurricane-deck™.

War-ships generally were classed by the Greeks as hata-
phraktot or aphraktoi, that is to say, completely fenced or
unfenced : and these terms would well denote the presence
or absence of a line of screens on either side to close the open
space between the hurricane-deck and the gangway, and thus
protect the rowers of the upper bank from missiles™. In
the Egyptian ships of about 1000 B.C., as in fg. 6, the rowers
on either side were protected by a long screen above the
gunwale; and similar screens are mentioned in the Odyssey,

κατεσκευασμέναις, ἐκεῖνος δὲ τότε καὶ πλατυτέρας ἐποίησεν αὐτὰς καὶ διάβασιν τοῖς
καταστρώμασιν ἔδωκεν. In this context διάβασις would mean dveadth, as in Hippo-
crates, epistole, 14, οἶδα παρὰ col γενόμενος ἐν Ῥόδῳ, Δαμάγητε, τὴν ναῦν ἐκείνην---
᾿Αλίας ἐπιγραφὴ ἦν αὐτῇ---πάγκαλόν τινα καὶ εὔπρυμνον, ἱκανῶς τε τετροπισμένην,
καὶ διάβασιν εἶχε πολλήν. Thus, as the ships were themselves made broader, the
hurricane-decks could also be made broader without encroaching on the space
required for the gangways.

119 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 789, col. a, 1. 14, meplvews (ἔχει) AA ΓΊΠΙ,
ἀδόκιμον I, ἐννεαπήχεις Kal σπιθαμι(αίας), 1. 51, περίνεῳ ἐννέα πήχεων καὶ σπιθαμῆς.
The length of the other oars is never stated, so the length of these would not be
stated unless it varied: and the words αὗται ἐννεαπήχεις and τούτων ἐννεαπήχεις Γ]

occur in Il. 22, 55, where they must refer to the περίνεῳ. The inscription belongs
to the archonship of Asteios, 373/2 B.c.

120 See p. 15 as to these ships and their oars.

121 The words φράσσειν and φραγμός or φράγμα properly refer to fences; and
the κατά in κατάφρακτος clearly means that the ship was fenced completely, not
that she was fenced down or decked, for then κατάφρακτος would be opposed
to ἀκατάφρακτος instead of ἄφρακτος. cf. Arrian, anabasis, vii. 16, ναυπηγεῖσθαι

‘vats μακράς, ἀφράκτους τε καὶ πεφραγμένας. Apparently the κατά in κατάστρωμα
also indicates completeness, like the com in constratum, the στρῶμα and stratum
indicating sufficiently that the deck was laid down. Cicero opposes constratus to

a2

ee

52 BULWARKS, SCREENS AND AWNINGS,

but only as bulwarks for the water™. Screens for missiles,
however, were probably in use on the Pheenician war-ships of .
about 700 B.c.: for there are certain square objects upon the
superstructure of the ship in fg. 10, which has a ram and
must therefore be a war-ship; and these are absent from the
ship in fg. 11, which has no ram and therefore cannot be a
war-ship; so they certainly served some purpose in warfare,
yet seem unserviceable unless they could be lowered to
protect the rowers. Had there been such screens on the
Athenian war-ship of about 400 B.C, in fg. 21, they would
doubtless have fitted into the gaps between the supports
of the hurricane-deck. In the Athenian war-ships the rowers
were also protected against sun and spray by awnings termed
pararrhymata or parablemata, which were spread along each
side to cover the open space below the hurricane-deck. Every

apertus in describing ships with and without a κατάστρωμα, in Verrem, ii. v. 40,
poterone in cos esse vehemens, qui naves non modo inanes habuerunt sed etiam
apertas: in eum dissolutus, gui solus habuerit constratam navem et minus exina-—
nitam? cf. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrino, 11, guattuor constrate naves
et complures aperte. But he simply transliterates dppaxros, ad Atticum, v. 13. 1,

navigavimus sine timore et sine nausea: sed tardius, propler aphractorum Rho-
z

cf

diorum imbecillitatem, cf. v. 11. 4, 12. 1, vi. 8. 4. And Livy says maves rec
xxxili. 30, where Polybios says καταφράκτους vats, xviii. 27, in citing the same
document. Now, if these screens closed the open space below the hurricane-deck,
a ship could not be κατάφρακτος unless she had a κατάστρωμα, so that every navis”
tecta would be constrata but no navis aperta would be tecta. Thus Livy uses the
terms indifferently, xxxvi. 42, C. Livius, prefectus Romane classts, cum quingua-—
ginta navibus tectis profectus,...quum sex Punicas naves ad auxilium missas”
accepisset,...Pireum ad veterem classem pervenit. a Pireo A. Atilius, traditis
successori quingue et viginti navibus tectis, Romam est profectus: Livius una
et octoginta constratis navibus Delum traiecit. 43, Eumenes cum quattuor et
viginti navibus tectis, apertis pluribus paullo, ad Romanos rediit. inde centum
quingue navibus tectis, etc. cf. Appian, de rebus Syriacis, 22, Kal τὸν ὑπ᾽’ AriNy
στόλον παραλαβών, ἔπλει (Λίβιος) καταφράκτοις ὀγδοήκοντα καὶ μιᾷ, ἑπομένου Kal
Ἐὐμενοῦς πεντήκοντα ἰδίαις" καὶ ἦν κατάφρακτον καὶ τῶνδε τὸ ἥμισυ. The decked
and undecked merchant-ships were distinguished in Greek by other terms.
Antiphon, de cede Herodis, 22, ἐν ᾧ μὲν yap ἑπλέομεν, ἀστέγαστον ἦν τὸ πλοῖον,
εἰς ὃ δὲ μετέβημεν, ἐστεγασμένον᾽" τοῦ δὲ ὑετοῦ ἕνεκα ταῦτ᾽ ἦν. See also note 126 on —
p- 55 for this use of στέγη and stega. ἦ |
122 Odyssey, v. 256, 257, φράξε δέ μιν ῥίπεσσι διαμπερὲς οἰσυίνῃσι] «ματος

εἷλαρ ἔμεν. Bulwarks of this rough sort were sometimes made to serve as a |
defence against missiles. Czesar, de bello civili, iii. 24, vértute militum confisus,
scaphas navium magnarum circiter sexaginta cratibus plutetsque contextt, eogue
milites delectos tmposuit, etc. 3

se et oe

ALONG THE SIDES OF THE SHIPS. 53

ship carried two pairs of these, one pair of sail-cloth and the
other of horse-hair or possibly of hide. Two other awnings
were carried on these ships to cover some other spaces, a
katablema for above and a ypoblema for below: but the exact
position of these is doubtful™.

A later arrangement of the upper decking may be seen in
the Roman.two-banked ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25. The
oars of the upper pper bank here pass through ports, instead of
passing over the gunwale: and as the rowers of the upper
bank are therefore lower down in the ship, the deck above
their heads is also lower; so that this deck for combatants
no longer forms a hurricane-deck, but now stands between
bulwarks which represent the former lines of screens, whilst
the gangways retain their place outside.

123 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 809, col. e, ll. 75—110, no. 811, col. c,
ll. 11—32: these are the lists of gear for three-banked ships and four-banked
ships in 325/4 B.c. and 323/2 B.c.—at present there is no list for 324/3 B.C.
Both lists include καταβλήματα and παραῤῥύματα λευκά and παραῤῥύματα τρίχινα
for three-banked ships and for four-banked ships: but the earlier list includes
ὑποβλήματα for three-banked ships only, and the later list does not include them
at all. These discrepancies indicate that the ὑποβλήματα were discarded about
that date upon the three-banked ships, and never came into use upon the four-
banked ships: cf. no. 807, col. c, ll. 66—102, no. 808, col. d, ll. rrg—151. A
list of gear in store in 357/6 B.c. shews that each three-banked ship used to have
a pair of παραῤῥύματα of each sort, but only one κατάβλημα and one ὑπόβλημα,
no. 793, col. e, ll. 6—21. A list of ships some twenty years before incidentally
mentions παραβλήματα, no. 791, 1. 31. Two instances of the use of παραῤῥύματα
and παραβλήματα in 406 and 405 B.C. are mentioned by Xenophon, Hellenica, i.
6. 19, τοὺς ἐπιβάτας els κοίλην ναῦν μεταβιβάσας καὶ τὰ παραῤῥύματα παραβαλών,
li. 1. 22, πάντα δὲ παρασκευασάμενος ws εἰς ναυμαχίαν καὶ τὰ παραβλήματα παραβαλών.
In both instances a fight was expected; yet the παραῤῥύματα and παραβλήματα
were not spread to protect the crew, but to conceal the crew for a surprise: so
they were spread over the open spaces below the hurricane-deck, for here alone
would the crew be visible. Thus the παραβλήματα may merely be the παραῤῥύ-
ματα under another name, which ranges better with καταβλήματα and ὑποβλήματα.
In the arsenal the παραῤῥύματα λευκά were stored in the same chests with the
Sails, and so were probably of similar material. Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no.
1054, ll. 85—87, ποιήσει δὲ καὶ κιβωτοὺς τοῖς ἱστίοις Kal τοῖς παραῤῥύμασιν τοῖς
λευκοῖς, ἀριθμὸν ἑκατὸν τριάκοντα τέτταρας. The other παραῤῥύματα were perhaps
of horse-hair, for that seems the likeliest meaning of τρίχινα, but were possibly
of hide. cf. Cesar, de bello civili, iii. 15, pellibus, quibus erant tecte naves.
The καταβλήματα and ὑποβλήματα were presumably of some similar material; and
certainly were not of timber, for in the lists they are classed with the παραῤῥύματα
amongst the σκεύη κρεμαστά, which are distinguished from the σκεύη ξύλινα,

54 THE THREE-BANKED SHIPS,

συ The three-banked ships were termed ¢rivemes in Latin and

ieveis in Greek: but whilé"the Latin term implies a tripl

“π᾿ for the oars, the Greek term implies a triple
arrangement of some undetermined sort; and the cognate
adjective ¢viarmenot was applied to large sailing-ships, which
had not any banks of oars™, These sailing-ships, however, —
used often to have three decks. Thus, while Plutarch and
Proclos describe a ship as ¢riarmenos, Athenzos describes —
her as ¢ri~arodos, that is to say, with three gangways; and
states that these gangways stood one above another, and
gave access to cabins along the sides and at the ends: so
that this clearly was a three-decked ship, though apparently —
the planking of the decks did not extend over the whole

124 The older form of ¢rivemis was triresmus, cf. Corp. Inscr. Latin. vol. i, no.
195, 1. 12, ¢riresmosgue naveis: and both these forms are connected with ἐρετμός
and ἐρέσσειν, whereas τριήρης is connected with dpew, and thus with dpyevos,
The term»7pidpwevos was introduced about 100 A.D.; but not to designate a nov ab |
type of ship, for it is applied to ships of earlier times by Pollux, i. 83, καὶ
Πτολεμαίου vais, mevrexadexnpns’ καὶ ᾿Αντιγόνου, τριάρμενος, and by Plutarch and
Proclos in the passages quoted in note 74 on p. 28. The term is employed by

. Lucian, navigium, 14, πέντε γάρ, εἰ βούλει, καλλίω καὶ μείζω τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου whole
ἤδη ἔχε, καὶ τὸ μέγιστον οὐδὲ καταδῦναι δυνάμενα;...... ὃς γὰρ ἔτι ἑνὸς πλοίου τουτουὶ
δεσπότης ὧν παρήκουες' βοώντων, εἰ πέντε κτήσαιο πρὸς τούτῳ τριάρμενα πάντα καὶ
ἀνώλεθρὰ, οὐδὲ ὄψει δηλαδὴ τοὺς φίλους. Again by Lucian, Lexiphanes; 15, ὁλκάδα
τριάρμενον ἐν οὐρίῳ πλέουσαν, ἐμπεπνευματωμένου ταῦ ἀκατείου, εὐφοροῦσάν τε καὶ
ἀκροκυματοῦσαν, cf. pseudologistes, 27, μικροῦ γοῦν φασιν ἀποπνιγῆναί σε ναύτῃ
τινὶ τῶν τριαρμένων ἐντυχόντα, ὃς ἐμπεσὼν ἀπέφραξέ σοι τὸ στόμα. Also by Philo-
stratos, vita Apollonii, iv. 9, καὶ ἅμα διιὼν ταῦτα ναῦν εἶδε τῶν τριαρμένων ἐκπλέου-
σαν καὶ τοὺς ναύτας ἄλλον ἄλλως ἐς τὸ ἀνάγέσθαι αὐτὴν mparrovras. cf. Synesios,
epistole, p. 161, ταχὺ μὲν τὴν γῆν ἀπεκρύπτομεν, ταχὺ δὲ μετὰ τῶν ὁλκάδων μεν
τῶν διαρμένων. :

125 Athenzeos, v. 41, ἣν δ᾽ ἡ ναῦς τῇ μὲν κατασκευῇ εἰκόσορος, τριπάροδος δέ, τὴν
μὲν κατωτάτω ἔχουσα ἐπὶ τὸν γόμον, ἐφ᾽ ἣν διὰ κλιμάκων πυκνῶν ἡ κατάβασις ἐγίνετο"
ἡ δ᾽ ἑτέρα τοῖς εἰς τὰς διαίτας βουλομένοις εἰσιέναι μεμηχάνητο" μεθ᾽ ἣν ἡ τελευταία,
τοῖς ἐν τοῖς ὅπλοις τεταγμένοις. ἦσαν δὲ τῆς μέσης παρόδου παρ᾽ ἑκάτερον τῶν τοίχων
δίαιται τετράκλινοι τοῖς ἀνδράσι, τριάκοντα τὸ πλῆθος. ἡ δὲ ναυκληρικὴ δίαιτα κλινῶ
μὲν ἦν πεντεκαίδεκα, θαλάμους δὲ τρεῖς εἶχε τρικλίνους, ὧν ἣν τὸ κατὰ τὴν πρύμνο
ὀπτάνιον. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀνωτάτω πάροδον γυμνάσιον ἦν, καὶ περίπατοι, κιτιλ. ἘῸΓ
a further account of the structures on the upper πάροδος, see note 133 on p. 58.
The ship here described as rpumdpodos is described as τριάρμενος by Plutarch and
by Proclos in the passages quoted in note 74 on p. 28. Athenzos is quoting here_
from Moschion, and applies the term πάροδοι to the three decks of the ship;
whereas in quoting from Callixenos—see note 118 on p. 50—he applies the term to
a pair of gangways along the two sides of the ship: but Moschion seems to be |

AND THREE-DECKED SHIPS. 55

ship, but left the centre open™. And the term ¢viereis was
itself applied by certain authors to three-decked ships, and
even to three-storied buildings™; while in the Septuagint the
Ark is described as ¢riorophos, that is to say, with three
stories, though in the original its triple arrangement is of
an undetermined sort”. The three-banked war-ships may
therefore have inherited the name ¢rierezs from three-decked
ships of earlier date: but they never had three decks them-
selves. The rowers of the lower bank were indeed styled
thalamitat, as if they had originally sat in a thalamos, or
chamber: but the rowers of the middle bank were styled
sygitat, as if they had originally sat upon the zyga, or beams;
and if the beams served as seats, they could not carry a deck,

reckoning each pair of gangways as a single structure, for he states explicitly that
the middle πάροδος had cabins on each side of the ship. Possibly the open space
between the gangways was covered over by a deck corresponding to the κατάστρωμα
on a war-ship, so that the ships described as τριπάροδοι or τριάρμενοι really had
four decks altogether. Thus, Lucian reckons the depth of a merchant-ship ἀπὸ
τοῦ καταστρώματος, navigium, 5, and she was one of the πλοῖα τριάρμενα, navigium,
14. Cabins at the stern are mentioned by Lucian, navigium, 5, ai κατὰ τὴν
πρύμναν oiknoess—cf. Lucan, ix. 110, 111, puppisgue cavernis | delituit—and these
probably answer to Moschion’s ναυκληρικὴ δίαιτα and its θάλαμοι, the deta
magistrt of Petronius, satire, 15.

126 Etymologicum Magnum, 5. v. διήρης a Maoh Nita δὲ καὶ τὰς ναῦς Tas ἐχούσας
δύο ἢ καὶ τρεῖς στέγας διήρεις καὶ τριήρεις λέγει. This obviously does not imply that
the three-banked ships had three decks themselves: it merely shews that this author
applied the name for three-banked ships to three-decked ships also. The author
_ may be either Apollonios or Apollodoros, as the reading is doubtful. For this
sense of στέγη, cf. Plautus, Bacchides, ii. 3. 44, Stichus, iii. 1. 12, δ72 stega. ALlius
_ Aristeides, panegyrica in Cyzico, p. 420, dv7l yap τῶν οἰκιῶν τῶν τριωρόφων Kal
τῶν τριήρων πάρεστιν ὁρᾶν νεὼν τὸν μέγιστον, τῶν μὲν ἄλλων πολλαπλασίονα, αὐτὸν
δὲ τριπλοῦν τῇ φύσει. τὰ μὲν γὰρ αὐτοῦ κατάγειός ἐστι θέα, τὰ δ᾽ ὑπερῷος, μέση δὲ ἡ
νενομισμένη. δρόμοι δὲ ὑπὸ γῆν τε καὶ κρεμαστοὶ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ διήκοντες κύκλῳ, ὥσπερ
οὐκ ἐν προσθήκης μέρει, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξεπίτηδες εἶναι. δρόμοι πεποιημένοι. The interior of this
temple thus bore some resemblance to the interior of a three-decked ship, as
described by Athenzos in the passage quoted in the last note: and this resem-
blance may have led Aristeides to use the term τριήρης in his comparison. See
also Athenzos, ii. 5, as to a dwelling-house known as τριήρης at Agrigentum: he
quotes the story from Timzos.

17 Genesis, vi. 15, καὶ οὕτω ποιήσεις τὴν κιβωτόν, τό, κατάγαια, διώροφα καὶ
τριώροφα ποιήσεις αὐτήν. A fourth deck is mentioned by Philo Judzus, vita
Moysis, ii. 11, καὶ συνεχῆ κατασκευασάμενος ἔνδον οἰκήματα, ἐπίπεδα καὶ ὑπερῷα,
τριώροφα καὶ τετρώροφα. And also by Josephus, de antiquitatibus Judaicis, i. 3. 2,
λάρνακα τετράστεγον κατασκευάσας.

56 BEAMS AND DECKING AMIDSHIP.

and the space below could only figuratively be termed a
chamber. Moreover, there is a characteristic little jest of
Aristophanes to prove that in his day the rowers of the
middle and lower banks had no deck between them™. An
Xenophon speaks as though the rowers of all three banks ~
had to pull together to avoid collision with each other™. 7

The earliest Greek ships had little decks stem and
stern, somewhat above the level of NEWEST ed a miler
decks are represented on Egyptian and Asiatic ships of
still earlier date, as in fgs. 4 to 8, the bulwarks marking
their extent. But on Greek ships of about 500 B.C., as in
fgs. 17 and 10, the forecastle appears without the poop; and

128 Aristophanes, rane, 1074, καὶ προσπαρδεῖν γ᾽ eis τὸ στόμα τῷ θαλάμακι.
But see Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 107, ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγρίππας ἵετο μάλιστα εὐθὺ τοῦ
Ilariov, καὶ αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν ἐπωτίδα ἐμπεσὼν κατέσεισε τὴν ναῦν Kal és τὰ κοῖλα

ἀνέῤῥηξεν' ἡ δὲ τούς τε ἐν τοῖς πύργοις ἀπεσείσατο, καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀθρόως
ἐδέχετο" καὶ τῶν ἐρετῶν οἱ μὲν θαλαμίαι πάντες ἀπελήφθησαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἕτεροι τὸ κατά-
στρωμα ἀναῤῥήξαντες ἐξενήχοντο. This was in an action off Myle in 36 B.c. The
incident rather suggests that there was a deck just above the rowers of the lower
bank, since they were all drowned, while the rest escaped. But as the survivors —
had to make their escape by breaking through the upper decking, the rowers of
the lower bank may have been delayed until too late by the crowd above. See
also Silius Italicus, xiv. 424—426, ¢repidatur omisso | summis remigio: sed enim
tam rebus in arctis | fama mali nondum tanti penetrarat ad imos. But,jthis
cannot reasonably be taken to imply a deck between the banks,

129 Xenophon, economica, 8. 8, καὶ τριήρης δέ τοι ἡ σεσαγμένη ἀνθρώπων διὰ τί
ἄλλο φοβερόν ἐστι πολεμίοις ἢ φίλοις ἀξιοθέατον ἢ ὅτι ταχὺ πλεῖ; διὰ τί δὲ ἄλλο
ἄλυποι ἀλλήλοις εἰσὶν οἱ ἐμπλέοντες ἢ διότι ἐν τάξει μὲν κάθηνται, ἐν τάξει δὲ
προνεύουσιν, ἐν τάξει δ᾽ ἀναπίπτουσιν, ἐν τάξει δ᾽ ἐμβαίνουσι καὶ ἐκβαίνουσι; But —
although they had thus to pull together when they were all at work, one set —
could go on working while another stopped. Thucydides, iii. 49, of μὲν ὕπνον
ἡροῦντο κατὰ μέρος, οἱ δὲ ἤλαυνον. Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 29, εἰ μὲν αὔρα
φέροι, θέοντες ἅμα ἀνεπαύοντο᾽ εἰ δὲ ἐλαύνειν δέοι, κατὰ μέρος τοὺς ναύτας ἀνέπαυεν.
Polyzenos, v. 22. 4, τοῖς δὲ ἐρέταις (παραγγείλας) ἀνὰ μέρος ὁτὲ μὲν τὰς θαλαμίας, ὁτὲ
δὲ τὰς ζυγίας, ὁτὲ δὲ τὰς θρανίτιδας κώπας ἀναφέρειν. The stratagem here was to —
make the enemy believe that the ships were fully manned, when there really were
only hands enough for one bank of oars: but the enemy would not have been
deceived, unless the three banks were often worked separately. Of course, there
was space enough in the hold for the combatants as well as the rowers:
Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 19, rods ἐπιβάτας els κοίλην ναῦν μεταβιβάσας. But
there was no space to spare: Cicero, in Verrem, ii. v. 51, ea est enim ratio
tnstructarum ornatarumque navium, ut non modo plures, sed ne singuli quidem
possint accedere...classem instructam atque ornatam fuisse, nullum propugnatorem
abfuisse, nullum vacuum transtrum fuisse.

DECKING AT STEM AND STERN, 57

on Greek ships of somewhat later date, as in fg. 23, and even
on the ship of earlier date in fg. 15, the bulwarks of this
forecastle are represented as supporting the fore part of a
hurricane-deck and enclosing a cabin underneath. Some
such forecastle was wanted on the war-ships, as their bows
sloped down to meet the ram: but the merchant-ships had
clipper bows high out of water; and by about 500 B.c. the
forecastle had already been deprived of bulwarks on vessels
of that class, as may be seen from fg. 18, and apparently was
on a Jevel with the ordinary deck amidship. The stern now
held a tier of seats for the steerer and others in command; but
this did not necessitate a separate deck there™.

130 Odyssey, v. 163, 164, ἀτὰρ ἴκρια πῆξαι ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς | ὑψοῦ, ds σε φέρῃσιν ἐπ’
ἠεροειδέα πόντον, 252, 253, ἴκρια δὲ στήσας, ἀραρὼν θαμέσι σταμίνεσσι, | ποίει. xii.
229, 230, εἰς ἴκρια νηὸς ἔβαινον | πρῴρης, 4ττ---414, ὁ δ᾽ ἄρα πρύμνῃ ἐνὶ νηὶ πλῆξε
κυβερνήτεω κεφαλήν, σὺν δ᾽ ὀστέ᾽ ἄραξεν | πάντ᾽ ἄμυδις κεφαλῆς" ὁ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἀρνευτῆρι
ἐοικὼς | κάππεσ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ἱκριόφιν. xiii. 73—75, κὰδ δ᾽ dp’ ᾿Οδυσσῆι στόρεσαν piyyds τε
λίνον Te | νηὸς ἐπ᾽ ἱκριόφιν γλαφυρῆς, ἵνα νήγρετον εὕδοι, | πρύμνης. οἵ. iii. 353, xv.
283, 552; also Iliad, xv. 685, 729. The term is used in prose by Synesios,
epistolze, p. 161, ἐπὶ τῶν ἰκρίων ἑστώς, and also by Heliodoros, Aithiopica, v. 24,
τῶν μὲν εἰς τὰ κοῖλα τῆς νεὼς καταδυομένων, τῶν δὲ πρὸς μάχην ἐπὶ τῶν ἰκρίων
ἀλλήλοις παρακελευομένων. Pliny, vii. 57, Ζέείας longas (maves tnvenere) Thasit:
antea ex prora tantum et puppi pugnabatur. ‘This probably answers to the state-
ment in Thucydides, i. 10, οὐδ᾽ αὖ τὰ πλοῖα κατάφρακτα ἔχοντας, ἀλλὰ τῷ παλαιῷ
τρόπῳ λῃστικώτερον παρεσκευασμένα. As to the statement in Thucydides, i. 14,
kal αὗται οὔπω εἶχον διὰ πάσης καταστρώματα, see note 118 on p. 50. And see
note 121 on p. 51 for the meaning of ¢ectas and κατάφρακτα.

13 Ptolemy, Almagest, viii. 1, ᾿Αργοῦς ἀστερισμός, employs the phrase ἐν τῷ
καταστρώματι τῆς πρύμνης: but this does not imply that the ship had a separate
deck at the stern, any more than his phrase ἐν τῇ τρόπει τῆς πρύμνης implies that
she had a separate keel there. So also Petronius employs the phrase supra
constraium puppis, satire, 100; the construction being determined by the context
ui supra constratum navis occuparemus secretissimum locum. ‘The same interpre-
tation must be placed upon the phrase in Aulus Gellius, xvi. 19, stansgue in
summe puppis foro. This is a translation from Herodotos, i. 24, who speaks of
Arion στάντα ἐν τοῖσι ἐδωλίοισι while the robbers ἀναχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς πρύμνης és
μέσην νέα. cf. Euripides, Helena, 1571, Ἑλένη καθέζετ᾽ ἐν μέσοις ἑδωλίοις, 1602,
1603, παρακέλευσμα δ᾽ ἦν | πρύμνηθεν Ἑλένης. These ἑδώλια at the stern were
presumably a set of seats, the term ἑδώλια being equivalent to sedi/ia in Latin.
Virgil, Aineid, v. 837, sub remis fusi per dura sedilia naute. For the other
ἐδώλιον that held the mast, see note 196 on p. 91. Apparently, the term
ζυγόν served also to denote some bench at the stern. Aischylos, Agamemnon,
1617, 1618, od ταῦτα φωνεῖς, veprépa προσήμενος | κώπῃ, κρατούντων τῶν ἐπὶ ζυγῷ
δορός ; cf. Euripides, Cyclops, 14, 15, ἐν πρύμνῃ δ᾽ ἄκρᾳ | αὐτὸς λαβὼν εὔθυνον

58 DECK-HOUSES AND THEIR FITTINGS.

Ships generally had a deck-house at the stern for the
commander and his friends, sometimes constructed solidly,
but oftener of wicker-work or merely of awnings™. The
P esigaiead type is represented on the Roman merchant-ship in

fg. 29, and the lighter type on the Roman war-ship in fg. 35.
Some ships had deck-houses all along the upper decking;
and these were fitted with every luxury, baths of bronze_and ’
marble in the bath-room, paintings and statues and mosaics —
in the principal saloons, and even a library of books. And β

alongside these deck-houses there were covered walks with |

rows of vines and fruit-trees planted in flower-pots™. :

|

ἀμφῆρες δόρυ. This ἕυγόν may answer to the zuga\longa of Virgil, Aineid, vi. |
411, 412, inde alias animas, que per iuga longa sedebant, | deturbat, laxatgue ὦ
Joros: for the ghosts here were not on board as rowers, so these zwga would not be
the rowers’ seats, nor could those seats be described as /onga.—lIn this passage
Virgil calls the deck fori, whereas Aulus Gellius calls it forws: but singular and
plural were used indifferently. Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 206, 2//um nautis forum. —
Cicero, de senectute, 6, alit per foros cursent. Lucan, 111. 630, ad summos repleta
foros, desedit in undas, sc. navis. Ennius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. 2. 4,
multa foro ponit et agea longa repletur, where agea or ἀγυιά is probably a synonym
for πάροδος. These terms forus and fori must convey the notion of an open space, —
like Forum ; and hence denote a deck. Ammianus, xxvii. 5. 2, pontegue contabu- ὦ
lato supra navium foros flumen transgressus est Histrum. q

182 Herodotos, vii. 100, ws δὲ ταῦτά οἱ ἐπεποίητο, τῶν νεῶν κατελκυσθεισέων és
θάλασσαν, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Ξέρξης μετεκβὰς ἐκ τοῦ ἅρματος ἐς νέα Σιδωνίην ἵζετο ὑπὸ σκηνῇ. |
χρυσέῃ καὶ παρέπλωε παρὰ τὰς πρῴρας τῶν νεῶν. Arrian, anabasis, vi. 13, Kal
πλέων κατὰ τὸν ποταμόν, ὡς ἐπέλαζεν ἡ ναῦς ἤδη τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τὸν βασιλέα φέρουσα, —
κελεύει δὴ ([Αλέξανδρος) ἀφελεῖν τὴν σκηνὴν ἀπὸ τῆς πρύμνης, ὡς καταφανὴς εἶναι —
πᾶσιν. Chariton, viii. 6, εἰσέπλευσεν οὖν τριήρης ἡ Χαιρέου πρώτη. εἶχε δ᾽ ἐπάνω
σκηνὴν συγκεκαλυμμένην Βαβυλωνίοις περιπετάσμασιν...αἰφνίδιον εἱλκύσθη τὰ παρα-
πετάσματα, καὶ ὠφθη Καλλιῤῥόη, κιτ.λ. Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5, Crepereius Gallus —
haud procul gubernaculis adstabat, cum dato signo ruere tectum loct multo plumbo q
grave; pressusque Crepereius et statim exanimatus est. cf. Suetonius, Nero, 34,
camere ruina. Sidonius, epistol, viii. 12, hic, superflexa crate paradarum, serent
brumalis infida vitabis. Ausonius, epistole, 5. 28, 29, Medullini te feret ora
noti | expositum subter paradas. a

1338 Athenzos, v. 41, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἀνωτάτω πάροδον γυμνάσιον ἦν, καὶ περίπατοι, —
σύμμετρον ἔχοντες τὴν κατασκευὴν τῷ τοῦ πλοίου μεγέθει, ἐν οἷς κῆποι παντοῖοι 4
θαυμασίως ἦσαν περιβάλλοντες ταῖς φυτείαις, διὰ κεραμίδων μολυβδινῶν κατεστεγανω-
μένοι. ἔτι δὲ σκηναὶ κιττοῦ λευκοῦ καὶ ἀμπέλων, ὧν αἱ ῥίζαι τὴν τροφὴν ἐν πίθοις
εἶχον γῆς πεπληρωμένοις, τὴν αὐτὴν ἄρδευσιν λαμβάνουσαι καθάπερ καὶ οἱ κῆποι. ;
αὗται δὲ αἱ σκηναὶ συνεσκίαζον τοὺς περιπάτους. ἑξῆς δὲ τούτων ᾿Αφροδίσιον κατε
σκεύαστο τρίκλινον, δάπεδον ἔχον ἐκ λίθων ἀχατῶν τε καὶ ἄλλων χαριεστάτων, ὅσοι
κατὰ τὴν νῆσον ἦσαν τοὺς τοίχους δ᾽ εἶχε καὶ τὴν ὀροφὴν κυπαρίττου, τὰς δὲ θύρας

TURRETS FOR ENGAGING AN ENEMY. 59

Ships also carried turrets on the upper decking to enable
their crews to shoot down missiles on an enemy™; and
merchant-ships carried them as much as war-ships, since they
had often to encounter pirates. These turrets could easily be
set up and taken down again, their foundations alone being
fixtures in the hull: and apparently those foundations some-
times projected overboard, as though the turrets reached right
across the ship or else were placed in pairs on either side. A
merchant-ship might carry as many as eight, two in the bows,
two near the stern, and four amidship; and such turrets might /
contain three stories each, and thus be fully twenty feet in

ἐλέφαντος καὶ θύου " γραφαῖς δὲ pil ἀγάλμασιν ἔτι δὲ ποτηρίων κατασκευαῖς ὑπερ-
βαλλόντως κατεσκεύαστο. 42, τούτου δ᾽ ἐφεξῆς σχολαστήριον ὑπῆρχε πεντάκλινον, ἐκ

πύξου τοὺς τοίχους καὶ τὰ θυρώματα κατεσκευασμένον, βιβλιοθήκην ἔχον ἐν αὑτῷ,

κατὰ δὲ τὴν ὀροφὴν πόλον, ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αχραδίνην ἀπομεμιμημένον ἡλιοτροπίου.
ἣν δὲ καὶ βαλανεῖον τρίκλινον, πυρίας χαλκᾶς ἔχον τρεῖς καὶ λουτῆρα πέντε μετρητὰς
δεχόμενον, ποικίλον τοῦ Ταυρομενίτου λίθου. κατεσκεύαστο δὲ καὶ οἰκήματα, κ.τ.λ.
Athenzos ascribes this ship to Hieron, but the description seems to be inspired by

ships of later date: see pp. 27—29. Suetonius, Caligula, 37, fabricavit et de cedris

Liburnicas gemmatis puppibus, versicoloribus velis, magna thermarum et porticuum
et tricliniorum laxitate, magnaque etiam vitium et pomiferarum arborum varietate ;
guibus discumbens de die inter choros ac symphonias litora Campania peragraret.
Maximus Tyrius, i. 3, λέγω δὲ οὐ μῦθον πλάττων, ἀλλὰ οὐ πολὺς χρόνος ὅτε ἐξ
Αἰγύπτου ἐς Τύρον ἔπλει βασιλεὺς τῶν ὑπὲρ Φοινίκης βαρβάρων ἐκείνων τῶν ἀνδρῶν,
οἱ ““οὐκ ἴσασι θάλατταν, οὐδὲ ἀλέγουσι τοῦ Αἰγιόχου Διὸς οὐδὲ θεῶν μακάρων."
παρεσκευάσατο δὴ μέλλων πλεῖν ὁ ἄθεος οὗτος καὶ ἀθάλαττος βασιλεὺς μεγάλην καὶ
εὐρύχωρον ναῦν, ἵνα αὐτῷ πᾶσαι αἱ ἡδοναὶ συμπλέωσι" τὸ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῆς βασίλεια ἦν
οἷα κάλλιστα, παστάδες, καὶ εὐναί, καὶ δρόμοι" “ἔκτοσθεν δ᾽ αὐλῆς μέγας ὄρχατος
ἄγχι θυράων τετράγυος," καὶ δένδρα ἐμπεφύκεσαν, ῥοιαί, καὶ ὄγχναι, καὶ μηλέαι, καὶ
ἄμπελοι" τὸ δὲ αὐτῆς λουτρὸν ἦν, καὶ γυμνάσιον" τὸ δὲ ὀψοποιοῖς χώρα" τὸ δὲ θάλαμοι
παλλακίσιν" τὸ δὲ συμπόσιον " τὸ δὲ ἄλλο τι μέρος τρυφώσης πόλεως. ‘This would
naturally refer to some king of the Nabatzeans; but in the context his name is
given as Atetes, and that does not suit any king in history. Plutarch, Lucullus, 7,
ἔτι δὲ ναῦς οὐ χρυσορόφοις σκηνίσιν οὐδὲ λουτροῖς παλλακίδων καὶ γυναικωνίτισι
τρυφώσαις ἠσκημένας, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπλων καὶ βελῶν καὶ χρημάτων γεμούσας παραρτυσάμενος,
sc. Μιθριδάτης.

134 Pliny, xxxii. 1, sed armate classes imponunt sibi turrium propugnacula, ut
in mari quoque pugnetur velut e muris. Vegetius, iv. 44, i matoribus etiam
liburnis propugnacula turresque constituunt, ut tamquam de muro ita de excelsior-
thus tabulatis factlius vulnerent vel perimant inimicos. Horace, epodes, i. 1, 2,
ibis liburnis inter alta navium, | amice, propugnacula. The term /iburni is used
strictly by Horace, but loosely by Vegetius—see p. 16 and notes 42, 44—so their
statements are not contradictory. Lucan, iv. 226, ¢urrigeras classis pelago sparsura
carinas, cf. 111. 514. Virgil, Aineid, viii. 693, turritis puppibus.

(60) THE BALLASTING OF THE SHIPS.

height™. <A little turret is represented in the bows of the
Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25. On such ships the —
turrets were painted; and their colouring served to distinguish
one squadron from another’,

To counterbalance these encumbrances upon the upper
decking, quantities of ballast would be required at the bottom
of the hold; and some gravel or sand or stone always was
carried there for steadying the ship. And this ballast could

135 Thucydides, vii. 25, προσαγαγόντες yap ναῦν μυριοφόρον αὐτοῖς οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι,
πύργους τε ξυλίνους ἔχουσαν καὶ παραφράγματα, κιτ.λ. Appian, de bellis civilibus, —
ν. 106, καὶ πύργους ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν εἶχον κατά τε πρῷραν καὶ κατὰ πρύμναν. Athenzos, —
V. 43, πύργοι τε ἦσαν ἐν αὐτῇ ὀκτώ, σύμμετροι τὸ μέγεθος τοῖς τῆς νεὼς ὄγκοις " δύο
μὲν κατὰ πρύμναν, οἱ δ᾽ ἴσοι κατὰ πρῴραν, οἱ λοιποὶ δὲ κατὰ μέσην ναῦν. cf. 42,
ἄτλαντές τε περιέτρεχον τὴν ναῦν ἐκτὸς ἑξαπήχεις, of τοὺς ὄγκους ὑπειλήφεσαν τοὺς
ἀνωτάτω. These ὄγκοι are presumably the πυργοῦχοι of Polybios, xvi. 3, παρα-
πεσὼν δὲ Tots πολεμίοις, ἀπέβαλε τὸν δεξιὸν ταρσὸν τῆς νεώς, ὁμοῦ συῤῥαγέντων Kal —
τῶν πυργούχων. Thus the ὄγκοι or πυργοῦχοι would be beams or platforms
projecting from the ship, and serving as foundations for the turrets. Dion —
Cassius, 1. 33, of μὲν τὰ ἱστία ἤγειρον, οἱ δὲ τούς τε πύργους καὶ Ta ἔπιπλα els τὴν —
θάλασσαν ἐῤῥίπτουν, ὅπως κουφίσαντες διαφύγωσι. Appian, de bellis civilibus,
iv. 72, ἐλπίζων γάρ τι τοιοῦτον, ἐπεφέρετο (Κάσσιος) πύργους ἐπτυγμένους, οἵ τότε
ἀνίσταντο. Cesar, de bello Gallico, iii. 14, curribus excitatis, de bello civili, i. 26,
turres cum ternis tabulatis erigebat. The reference is here to merchant-ships; and —
so also in the passages quoted above from Athenzos and Thucydides. Although
the statements of Athenzeos are questionable, since they are borrowed from
Moschion—see pp. 27 to 29—they probably are based on fact.

186 Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 121, μόλις δέ ποτε ταῖς χροιαῖς τῶν πύργων,
αἷς δὴ μόναις διέφερον ἀλλήλων, ὁ ᾿Αγρίππας συνεὶς πλέονας ἀπολωλέναι τοῦ ἸΤομπηίου
ναῦς, ἐθάῤῥυνε τοὺς συνόντας, κατιλ. See also Polyzenos, v. 34, already quoted at
the end of note 89 on p. 35, as to uniformity of colouring in a fleet.

187 Odyssey, v. 257, πολλὴν δ᾽ ἐπεχεύατο ὕλην. Lycophron, 618, τὸν ἑρματίτην
νηὸς ἐκβαλὼν πέτρον. Plato, Thezetetos, p. 144 A, Kal drrovres φέρονται ὥσπερ τὰ
ἀνερμάτιστα πλοῖα. Plutarch, animi et corporis affectiones, 4, ἀκυβέρνητος καὶ
ἀνερμάτιστος els τι ναυάγιον φοβερὸν ἐξέπεσε, ad principem ineruditum, 5, ἕρματος
πολλοῦ καὶ κυβερνήτου μεγάλου δεόμενον. Livy, xxxvii. 14, onerarias multa saburra —
gravatas. Pliny, xvi. 76, ΟΧΧ M modiorum lentis pro saburra ei fuere. See also
Aristotle, historia animalium, viii. 12. 5, ix. 40. 21; Pliny, x. 30, xvili. 87;
Aristophanes, aves, 1428, 1429; Virgil, georgics, iv. 194—196; Plutarch, de —
solertia animalium, 10. 10, 28. 2. At Portus, near the mouth of the Tiber, the
ballast-heavers formed a guild, corpus saburrariorum: Corp. Inscr. Latin. vol. xiv,
no. 102.

138 Arrian, anabasis, ii. 19, épuard τε és τὴν πρύμναν ἐνέθεσαν, τοῦ ἐξᾶραι és
ὕψος τὴν πρῷραν πιεζομένης κατὰ πρύμναν τῆς νεώς. Polybios, xvi. 4, αὐτοὶ μὲν yap
ἔμπρῳρα τὰ σκάφη ποιοῦντες, ἐξάλους ἐλάμβανον τὰς πληγάς " τοῖς δὲ πολεμίοις ὕφαλα
τὰ τραύματα διδόντες, ἀβοηθήτους ἐσκεύαζον τὰς πληγάς.

BILGE-WATER AND DRINKING-WATER. 61

easily be shifted fore or aft to depress or elevate the bows, as
need arose for ramming or manceuvring™. At the bottom of
the hold there was also a mass of bilge-water, which needed
constant baling out by buckets or else by a machine consisting
of an Archimedean screw worked by some sort of treadmill™.
And probably the cisterns for the drinking-water were also
down below, serving like the bilge to increase the weight of
ballast™.

139 Odyssey, xii. 410, 411, lords δ᾽ ὀπίσω πέσεν, ὅπλα τε πάντα | els ἄντλον
κατέχυντο. XV. 479, ἄντλῳ δ᾽ ἐνδούπησε πεσοῦσ᾽, ws elvadln κήξ. Sophocles,
Philoctetes, 481, 482, ἐμβαλοῦ μ᾽ ὅπη θέλεις ἄγων, | εἰς ἀντλίαν, ἐς πρῷραν, ἐς
πρύμνην. Cicero, ad familiares, ix. 15. 3, sedebamus enim in puppi et clavum
tenebamus: nunc autem vix est in sentina locus. Sallust, Catilina, 37, Romam,
sicut in sentinam, confluxerant, These terms ἄντλος or ἀντλία and sentina, which
thus denoted the bilge of a ship, also denoted the bilge-water. Aischylos, septem
adversus Thebas, 795, 796, καὶ κλυδωνίου | πολλαῖσι πληγαῖς ἄντλον οὐκ ἐδέξατο.
Seneca, epistole, 30, guemadmodum in nave, que sentinam trahit, unt rime aut
altert obsistitur, δὲ plurimis locis laxari capit et cedere, succurri non potest navigio
dehiscenti. Euripides, Troades, 685, 686, ὁ μὲν map’ olax’, ὁ δ᾽ ἐπὶ λαίφεσιν
βεβώς, | ὁ δ᾽ ἄντλον εἴργων ναός. Cicero, de senectute, 6, αὐὲ malos scandant, alit
per foros cursent, alii sentinam exhauriant. The buckets for the baling were

_ known as ἀντλητήρια or sentinacula. Dion Cassius, 1. 34, οὔτε yap πολλὰ ἢ καὶ
peydda τὰ ἀντλητήρια εἶχον, καὶ ἡμιδεᾶ αὐτὰ dre ταραττόμενοι ἀνέφερον. Paulinus
Nolanus, epistole, 49. 3, e¢ post unum vel alterum brevis sentinaculi haustum
‘humore destricto siccataque navi, etc. The pump is mentioned by Athenzos, v. 43,
ἡ δὲ ἀντλία, καίπερ βάθος ὑπερβάλλον ἔχουσα, δι᾽ ἑνὸς ἀνδρὸς ἐξηντλεῖτο διὰ κοχλίου,
᾿Αρχιμήδους ἐξευρόντος. cf. Vitruvius, x. 6. 3, cochlea hominibus calcantibus factt
versationes. Artemidoros, oneirocritica, i. 48, olda δέ τινα, ὃς ἔδοξε τοῦ παντὸς

| σῶματος ἀτρέμα μένοντος τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ μόνους βαδίζειν, καὶ προβαίνειν μὲν μηδὲ
βραχύ, ὅμως δὲ κινεῖσθαι. συνέβη αὐτῷ εἰς ἀντλίαν καταδικασθῆναι. καὶ γὰρ ἐκεῖ

| τοῖς ἀντλοῦσι συμβέβηκε διαβαίνειν μὲν ws βαδίζουσιν, ἀεὶ δὲ μένειν ἐν τῷ αὐτῷ τόπῳ.
For the phrase εἰς ἀντλίαν καταδικασθῆναι, cf. Suetonius, Tiberius, 51, 27: antliam

condemnato. In the context Artemidoros says that a man was set to bale ὄντι
πανούργῳ, and Lucian reckons it fit work for the ἀργὸν καὶ ἄτεχνον καὶ ἄτολμον,
Jupiter tragcedus, 48. See also Paulinus Nolanus, epistolz, 49. 12, sent persona
sentinatoris, et in nautis vilissima.

140 Lucian, ver historize, i. 5, πάμπολλα μὲν σιτία ἐνεβαλόμην, ἱκανὸν δὲ καὶ
ὕδωρ ἐνεθέμην, κιτ.Ὰ. ii. 1, τὴν ναῦν ἐπεσκευάζομεν, ὕδωρ τε ὡς ἔνι πλεῖστον ἐμβαλλό-
μενοι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἐπιτήδεια. Dion Cassius, 1. 34, τὸ μὲν πρῶτον τῷ ποτίμῳ ὕδατι ᾧ
ἐπεφέροντο ἐχρῶντο, καί τινα κατέσβεσαν᾽ ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκεῖνο καταναλώθη, ἤντλουν τὸ
θαλάττιον. Athenzeos, v. 42, ἦν δὲ καὶ ὑδροθήκη κατὰ τὴν πρῷραν κλειστή, δισχιλίους
μετρητὰς δεχομένη, ἐκ σανίδων καὶ πίττης καὶ ὀθονίων κατεσκευασμένη. Asa μετρητής

| was equivalent to a cubic foot and a half, this cistern would contain 3000 cubic feet
| of water; and that would weigh about 75 tons. The statement is open to suspicion
as it comes from Moschion: see pp. 27—29.

62 CATHEADS AND RAMS ON WAR-SHIPS.

In the fore part of the war-ships everything was con-—
structed with a view to ramming. The catheads were
massive, and stood out far enough to tear away the upper
works of a hostile ship, while the ram was piercing her below;
for which purpose they occasionally were strengthened at the
ends by timbers springing from the hull some way behind™.
And they must also have served in ramming to protect the
oars from damage by the enemy. Their position and design
may be observed in the Greek war-ships of about 300 B.c. in
fgs. 22 and 23. Here the catheads are on a level with the
gunwale and the gangway, which both finish at this point,
while the waling-pieces run onward to the stem. Right
forward the keel and stem-post and the lower pair of waling-_
pieces converge to hold the ram; and higher up the stem-

141 Thucydides, vii. 34, τῶν δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων κατέδυ μὲν οὐδεμία ἁπλῶς, ἑπτὰ δέ
τινες ἄπλοι ἐγένοντο ἀντίπρῳροι ἐμβαλλόμεναι καὶ ἀναῤῥαγεῖσαι τὰς παρεξειρεσίας ὑπὸ
τῶν Κορινθίων νεῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο παχυτέρας τὰς ἐπωτίδας ἐχουσῶν. 36, καὶ τὰς
πρῴρας τῶν νεῶν ξυντεμόντες (οἱ Συρακόσιοι) ἐς ἔλασσον στεριφωτέρας ἐποίησαν, καὶ
τὰς ἐπωτίδας ἐπέθεσαν ταῖς πρῴραις παχείας, καὶ ἀντήριδας ἀπ᾿ αὐτῶν ὑπέτειναν
πρὸς τοὺς τοίχους ὡς ἐπὶ ἕξ πήχεις ἐντός τε καὶ ἔξωθεν, ᾧπερ τρόπῳ καὶ οἱ Κορίνθιοι
πρὸς τὰς ἐν τῇ Ναυπάκτῳ ναῦς ἐπισκευασάμενοι πρῴραθεν ἐναυμάχουν. 40, οἱ δὲ
Συρακόσιοι δεξάμενοι καὶ ταῖς τε ναυσὶν ἀντιπρῴροις χρώμενοι, ὥσπερ διενοήθησαν, τῶν
ἐμβόλων τῇ παρασκευῇ ἀνεῤῥήγνυσαν τὰς τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ναῦς ἐπὶ πολὺ τῆς παρεξει-
ρεσίας, κ.τ.λ. cf. 36, ἀντίπρῳροι γὰρ (ἐνόμισαν) ταῖς ἐμβολαῖς χρώμενοι ἀναῤῥήξειν τὰ
πρῴραθεν αὐτοῖς. In these passages the term παρεξειρεσία denotes the bows; but —
its meaning is merely that the place was out beyond the oars, and sometimes it
denotes the quarters or the stern, as in the passages quoted from Polyzenos in —
note 170 on p. 75 and from Thucydides and Plutarch in note 223 on p. 102. In
saying that the bows were made shorter, Thucydides may only mean that the —
distance between the ram and the catheads was reduced by carrying the catheads ©
further forward. Diodoros says that the bows were also made lower, xiii. 10, but
that was merely a matter of ballasting: see note 138 on p. 60. The ἀντηρίδες were
clearly a pair of props sloping upwards and forwards from some point in the keel”
to the extremities of the catheads, and thus passing through the ship’s sides a little”
ahead of the oars of the lower banks. The term ἀντηρίδες is employed by Polybios ©
to denote the props for a gangway, viii. 6.6. Dion Cassius, xlix. 3, καὶ τοῖς μὲν
τό τε ὕψος τῶν σκαφῶν καὶ τὸ πάχος τῶν ἐπωτίδων of Te πύργοι συνῇροντο, τοὺς δ᾽
ἑτέρους οἵ τε διέκπλοι ἀνέφερον, κιτ.λ. This refers to the action off Myle in 36 Β. Ὁ.
between the fleets of Augustus Caesar and Sextus Pompeius. As a rule, the
ἐπωτίδες had a backing of the strongest timber. Theophrastos, historia plan- —
tarum, v. 7. 3, τὸ δὲ στερέωμα, πρὸς ᾧ τὸ χέλυσμα Kal Tas ἐπωτίδας, μελίας καὶ
συκαμίνου καὶ mrehéas* ἰσχυρὰ γὰρ δεῖ ταῦτ᾽ εἶναι. For the use of the ἐπωτίδες as —
catheads for the anchors, see note 154 on p. 69.

>. -. .

THE PRINCIPAL AND AUXILIARY RAMS. 63

post a smaller ram is fixed upon the junction of the upper
pair of waling-pieces. In ships of more than three banks
there was presumably an extra ram for every extra pair of
waling-pieces; and here some rams are fixed upon false
waling-pieces on a level with the catheads™. All these
auxiliary rams would extend the wound inflicted by the
principal ram, and thus cut an enemy open from the gunwale
to the water-line; while they would also protect the stem-post
underneath them from being shattered by contact with her
sides.

The rams usually were made of bronze™. On _ the
Athenian three-banked ships the principal ram did not weigh
more than three talents or thereabouts, that is to say, 170 lbs.;
so the metal could only have formed a sheathing round a

M42 Athenzeos, v. 37, καὶ ἔμβολα εἶχεν ἑπτά" τούτων ὃν μὲν ἡγούμενον, τὰ δ᾽
ὑποστέλλοντα᾽ τινὰ δὲ κατὰ τὰς ἐπωτίδας. This refers to the alleged ship of forty
banks. Apparently, the meaning of the last words is that she had some auxiliary
rams on a level with the catheads in addition to the other six. Aischylos applied

the epithet dexéuBoros to Nestor’s ship in the ‘Myrmidons’, according to the

scholiast on Aristophanes, aves, 1256, οὕτω γέρων ὧν στύομαι τριέμβολον. οἴ.
Fr. 301, apud Athenzeum, i. 52, ἐπεγερεῖ τὸν ἔμβολον. But clearly the meaning
was that a good ship could go on ramming time after time; not that ten rams were
carried, or even three. Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 795, col. ἃ, Il. 3—7,
Νικηφόρος, Θεοδώρου ἔργον, ἐπισκευῆς δεομένη, προεμβόλιον οὐκ ἔχουσα, cf. col. e,
Il. 28—32, no. 796, col. a, ll. 38—41, col. e, ll. 4—7. These entries refer to ships

_ of three banks; and indicate that such ships had only one προεμβόλιον, or auxiliary
ἔμβολος.

145. Aschylos, Persze, 408, 409, ναῦς ἐν νηὶ χαλκήρη στόλον | ἔπαισεν, 415, 416,

ἐμβολαῖς χαλκοστόμοις | ralovro. Plutarch, Antonius, 67, πλὴν οὐκ ἐνέβαλεν εἰς
᾿ς χὴν ᾿Αντωνίου ναῦν, ἀλλὰ τὴν ἑτέραν τῶν ναυαρχίδων τῷ χαλκώματι πατάξας

περιεῤῥόμβησε, Sulla, 22, ναῦς χαλκήρεις, Pompeius, 28, ναῦς χαλκεμβόλους. οἴ.
Euripides, Iphigeneia in Aulide, 1319, ναῶν χαλκεμβολάδων, Electra, 436, πρῴραις
kvaveuBddroow. Philippos, in the Anthology, vi. 236, ἔμβολα χαλκογένεια,
φιλόπλοα τεύχεα νηῶν. Petronius, satire, 30, embolum navis eneum. Statius
Thebais, v. 335, erata dispellens equora prora. Virgil, AEneid, i. 35, spumas
Salis are ruebant, viii. 675, classes γαίας. Cuzesar, de bello civili, ii. 3, cum classe
navium sexdecim, in quibus pauce erant arate. Horace, odes, ii. 16. 21, 22,
Standit eratas vitiosa naves | cura, iii. 1. 39, decedit erata triremi. Iron is
mentioned by Pliny, xxxii. 1, rostra lla, ere ferrogue ad ictus armata, and by
Vitruvius, x. 15. 6, 7s autem aries habuerat de ferro duro rostrum, ita uti naves
longe solent habere. But see Tibullus, iv. 1. 173, ferro tellus, pontus conscinditur

γέ. Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 789 Ὁ, ll. 27, 32, 89, 90, τὸ χάλκωμα τὸ ἄνω.
‘This was presumably the προεμβόλιον.

64 DESIGN AND STRUCTURE OF THE RAMS. :

core of timber™*. And thus the ram was often a treacherous —
weapon in warfare, inasmuch as it was slender enough to be ©
wrenched off the ship in delivering its blow, and started her
timbers as it broke away™. Asa rule, it had three teeth; so
that it looked like a trident, when viewed from the side™.
These teeth are conspicuous in the Greek ship of about
300 B.C. in fg. 23; but in the Greek ship of about 600 B.c. in
fg. 13, and also in the Phoenician ship of about 700 B.C. in
fg. 10, the ram has only a single tooth: and here the ram
curves slightly upward, whereas the trident ram curves down, —
as though it was intended to heel an enemy over. This —
downward curve appears again in one of the Greek ships οὗ
about 550B.C. in fgs. 15 and 16, while the curve points
upward in the other; so both the forms were then in use
concurrently. And apparently the earlier form was de-—
veloping the curious type depicted in the Athenian ships of

144 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 809, col. e, ll. 169—172, ἔμβολοι] r[é]r[raples, ᾿

σταθμ[ὸν] TTT μναῖ Δ[ΔΊΔ EB τιμὴ FAA AFFFI....cf. no. 811, col. Gy ἵ

1. 87, [ἐμβόλους Γ΄, σταθμὸν....1. 88, AAA, ade These are entries of —
delivery and receipt, and ought therefore to correspond. The word τέτταρες has
been defaced by the mason; so it was inserted by mistake, the number really —
being five. There probably were other figures in the gap between σταθμ and

TTT, perhaps A its or even AJ”, for the price is a trifle under 525 drachms,
and this would represent about fifteen talents of metal for the five rams, as bronze
was selling for 35 drachms a talent at that period: see Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. i, -
no. 319, ll. 2—4, χαλκὸς ἐωνήθ[η.. .τάλαντα...Ἱκαίδεκα καὶ μναῖ déx[a]. τι[μ]ὴ [rod
ταλάντου τρι]άκοντα πέντε δραχμαί. These restorations are considerable; but
they are jugtified by what follows. cf. 1]. 5—8, καττίτερος ἐωνήθη...τὸ τάλαντον
διακοσίων τρ[ιάκ]οντα δραχμῶν τιμή.

145 Herodotos, i. 166, αἱ μὲν γὰρ τεσσεράκοντά σφισι νέες διεφθάρησαν, αἱ δὲ
εἴκοσι αἱ περιεοῦσαι ἔσαν ἄχρηστοι" ἀπεστράφατο γὰρ τοὺς ἐμβόλους. Dion Cassius,
xlix. 1, πρός Te τὰς ἐμβολὰς τῶν ἐναντίων ἀντέχειν, καὶ τοὺς ἐμβόλους αὐτῶν ἀποστρέ-
gew. Plutarch, Antonius, 66, ἀπεθραύοντο γὰρ τὰ ἔμβολα ῥᾳδίως. Polybios, χνΐ.
5, ταύτης γὰρ (ἣν ἐκυβέρνα Αὐτόλυκος) ἐμβαλούσης εἰς πολεμίαν ναῦν, καὶ καταλι-
πούσης ἐν τῷ σκάφει τὸν ἔμβολον, συνέβη δή, τὴν μὲν πληγεῖσαν αὔτανδρον καταδῦναι, "
τοὺς δὲ περὶ τὸν Αὐτόλυκον, εἰσρεούσης εἰς τὴν ναῦν τῆς θαλάσσης διὰ τῆς πρῴραϑ,
κιτ.λ.. τὴν μὲν ναῦν οὐκ ἠδυνήθη σῶσαι, διὰ τὸ πλήρη θαλάττης εἶναι, κιτιλ. Aulus”
Hirtius, de bello Alexandrino, 46, itague primus (Vatinius) sua quinqueremi in
quadriremem ipsius Octavi impetum fecit. celerrime fortissimeque contra illo remi-
gante, naves adverse rostris concurrerunt adeo vehementer ut navis Octaviana,
rostro discusso, ligno contineretur...deprimitur ipsius Octavi quadriremis. ch.
Cesar, de bello civili, ii. 6, prefracto rostro. Ἷ

γι

"

RAMS AND FIGURE-HEADS OF ANIMALS. 65

about 500 B.C. in fgs. 17 and 19, where the ram assumes the
shape of a boar’s head. This type was characteristic of
Samian ships in the days of Polycrates”’, who ruled there
from 532 to 522B.C.; but it afterwards came into use on
ships of other states. And in later times, when the principal
ram was usually a trident, the boar’s head was retained for a
smaller ram above, as in the Leucadian ship of about 150 B.c.
in fg. 42. Some of these smaller heads are extant ; and one of
them is drawn to scale in fg. 43. They probably belonged to
Roman ships.

Before the introduction of the ram, animals had been
carved upon the prow for figure-heads, as in the Egyptian
__war-ship of about 1000 B.C. in fg. 6. And generally there
was either a figure-head, or else a painting or relief on both
the bows; the subject corresponding to the name of the ship,
and serving to distinguish her from others“. Such paintings

146 Virgil, AEneid, v. 142, 143, tfindunt pariter sulcos, totumgue dehiscit |
convulsum remis rostrisque tridentibus equor, cf. viii. 689, 690. Valerius Flaccus,
i. 687, 688, volat immissis cava pinus habenis | infinditque salum, δὲ spumas vomit
@re tridenti.

147 Herodotos, iii. 59, ἕκτῳ δὲ ἔτει Αἰγινῆται αὐτοὺς (Σαμίους) ναυμαχίῃ νική-
σαντες ἠνδραποδίσαντο μετὰ Κρητῶν, καὶ τῶν νεῶν καπρίους ἐχουσέων τὰς πρῴρας
ἠκρωτηρίασαν καὶ ἀνέθεσαν ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης ἐν Αἰγίνῃ. Anonymus, apud
Hesychium, 5. v. Σαμιακὸς τρόπος:---ναῦς δέ τις ὠκύπορος Σαμία ὑὸς εἶδος ἔχουσα.
Plutarch, Pericles, 26, ἡ δὲ Σάμαινα ναῦς ἐστιν ὑόπρῳρος μὲν τὸ σίμωμα, κοιλοτέρα
δὲ καὶ γαστροειδής, ὥστε καὶ φορτοφορεῖν καὶ ταχυναυτεῖν. οὕτω δ᾽ ὠνομάσθη διὰ
τὸ πρῶτον ἐν Σάμῳ φανῆναι, Πολυκράτους τυράννου κατασκευάσαντος. cf. Alexis
Samios, apud Athenzeum, xii. 57, πρῶτος δὲ ὁ Πολυκράτης καὶ ναῦς πήξας ἀπὸ τῆς
πατρίδος Σαμίας ἐκάλεσε. For σίμωμα, cf. Thucydides, iv. 25, ἀποσιμωσάντων καὶ
προεμβαλόντων, Appian, de bellis civilibus, iv. 71, ἐμβολαὶ καὶ ἀποσιμώσεις,
Aristotle, problemata, xxiii. 5, ἀνάσιμα τὰ πλοῖα ποιοῦνται. Thus the stem was
styled the nose, just as the bows were styled the cheeks and the hawse-holes the
eyes : see note gi on p. 37 and note 153 on p. 69.

148 Diodoros, iv. 47, διαπλεῦσαι γὰρ αὐτὸν (Φρίξον) φασὶν οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ νεὼς προτομὴν
ἐπὶ τῆς πρῴρας ἐχούσης κριοῦ, κιτλ. Apollodoros, Fr. 105, apud Stephanum, 5. v.
Ταυρόεις :---ταυροφόρος ἦν ἡ ναῦς ἡ διακομίσασα τοὺς τὴν πόλιν κτίσαντας,.. ἀπὸ τοῦ
ἐπισήμου τῆς νεὼς τὴν πόλιν ὠνόμασαν. A λεοντοφόρος is mentioned in the passage
quoted from Memnon in note 35 on p. 14- Plutarch, de mulierum virtutibus, 9,
ἔπλει δὲ (Xiuappos) πλοίῳ λέοντα μὲν ἔχοντι πρῴραθεν ἐπίσημον, ἐκ δὲ πρύμνης
δράκοντα. Strabo, ii. 3. 4, εὑρόντα δ᾽ ἀκρόπρῳρον ξύλινον ἐκ ναναγίου, ἵππον ἔχον
᾿ς ἐγγεγλυμμένον, δεικνύναι τοῖς ναυκλήροις, γνῶναι δὲ Τ᾿ αδειριτῶν ὄν" τούτων γὰρ τοὺς
᾿ς μὲν ἐμπόρους μεγάλα στέλλειν πλοῖα, τοὺς δὲ πένητας μικρά, ἃ καλεῖν ἵππους ἀπὸ τῶν
ἐν ταῖς πρῴραις ἐπισήμων. Hippocrates, epistole, 17, ἐξέπεμψας δέ μοι, φιλότης,

ae é

66 FIGURE-HEADS, RELIEFS, PAINTINGS, ;

or reliefs may be seen upon the Roman ships of about
200 A.D. in fgs. 29 and 31, and a figure-head upon the Roman
ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 26. The only figure-head now
extant is drawn to scale in fg. 41. This was found off
Actium, and probably dates from the time of the battle. On
ships of that period it was customary to add some carved or
painted figures as supporters; so that if a ship were called —
the Ida and had a personification of the mountain on her —
prow, she would have a pair of Phrygian lions down below,
as in the Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 25, where
the crocodiles indicate that the ship was called the Nile™.
All these figures on the stem were intended to distinguish
ship from ship, and had nothing to do with the statues of the ©

ws ἀληθέως Ασκληπίαδα νῆα, 7 πρόσθες μετὰ τοῦ ᾿Αλίου ἐπίσημον καὶ Ὑγιείην. But
while animals would be suitable for figure-heads, this group of Helios and Hygieia
suggests a relief or painting on the bows: cf. Lucian, navigium, 5, τὴν ἐπώνυμον
τῆς νεὼς θεὸν ἔχουσα τὴν Ἶσιν ἑκατέρωθεν, sc. ἡ πρῷρα. Strictly a figure-head
would be an ἐπίσημον, while such a painting or relief would be a παράσημον.
Acts, xxviii, 11, ἐν πλοίῳ ᾿Αλέξανδρινῷ, παρασήμῳ Διοσκούροις. Plutarch, Themis-
tocles, 15, πρῶτος μὲν οὖν λαμβάνει ναῦν Λυκομήδης, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος, τριηραρχῶν, Hs
τὰ παράσημα περικόψας ἀνέθηκεν ᾿Απόλλωνι δαφνηφόρῳ, the plural indicating that
the παράσημον was repeated on each bow of the ship. Plutarch, septem sapientium
convivium, 18, πυθόμενον τοῦ Te ναυκλήρου τοὔνομα Kal τοῦ κυβερνήτου Kal τῆς νεὼς
τὸ παράσημον. οἵ. Herodotos, vill. 88, σαφέως τὸ ἐπίσημον τῆς νεὸς ἐπισταμένους.
Thus the terms παράσημον and ἐπίσημον were used indifferently to denote the
badges which distinguished one ship from another. But where Diodoros says
τοῖς ἐπὶ ταῖς πρῴραις ἐπισήμασι, xili. 3, Thucydides merely says σημείοις, vi. 313
and the wider term is approved by Aristophanes, ranz, 932, Διόνυσος :---τὸν ὦ
ξουθὸν ἱππαλεκτρυόνα ζητῶν, τίς ἐστιν ὄρνις. 933, Αἰσχύλος :---σημεῖον ἐν ταῖς
ναυσίν, ὦμαθέστατ᾽, ἐνεγέγραπτο. The term imsigne was employed in Latin.
Tacitus, annales, vi. 34, avis tnsigne fuit, sc. aries. Propertius, iv. 6. 49, vehunt
prore Centauros saxa minantes. Virgil, AEneid, x. 195—197, inmgentem remis
Centaurum promovet: ille | instat aque, saxumgue undis immane minatur |
arduus, et longa sulcat maria alta carina, cf. 156—158, 209—212. Silius Italicus
enumerates a whole fleet of ships and their badges, xiv. 567 ff:—Europa on the —
bull, a Nereid on a dolphin, Pegasus, a Siren, a Triton, sundry deities, mount —
Etna personified, and so also Sidon, Libya, etc.

49 Virgil, Aineid, x. 156—158, ncia puppis | prima tenet, rostro Phrygios
subiuncta leones: | imminet Ida super, profugis gratissima Teucris. Inscription in
the Bulletin épigraphique de la Gaule, vol. ii, p. 139, Z%(derio) Claudio, Aug(usti)
lib(erto), Erott, trierarcho liburne Nili. This must date from the middle of the
First Century, the deceased being a freedman of Claudius or Nero; so the Roman
fleet contained a two-banked ship called the Nile about the time when the two-
banked ship with the crocodiles was being carved in that relief,

AND STATUES AT STEM AND STERN. 67

gods by which the ships belonging to one state were dis-
tinguished from the ships belonging to another; every
Athenian ship carrying a statue of Pallas Athene, every
Carthaginian ship a statue of Ammon, and so forth. On the
Roman ship of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29 one of these statues
may perhaps be seen at the far end of the stern, which was
the usual place for them™. The stern here is prolonged into
a kind of gallery, while its true contour is marked by the
swan’s neck that rises in a curve within; and in the Roman
ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 26 the structure is the same, the
swan or goose being a recognized feature in ships of that
period™. Very often the goose was gilded; and so also were
the statues of the gods.

150 Euripides, Iphigeneia in Aulide, 239—241, χρυσέαις δ᾽ εἰκόσιν | κατ᾽ ἄκρα
Νηρῇδες ἕστασαν θεαὶ | πρύμναις, of’ ᾿Αχιλλείου στρατοῦ, 246—258, ᾿Ατθίδος δ᾽
ἄγων | ἑξήκοντα ναῦς ὁ Θησέως | παῖς ἑξῆς ἐναυλόχει, θεὰν | Παλλάδ᾽ ἐν μωνύχοις |
ἔχων πτερωτοῖσιν ἅρμασιν θετόν, | εὔσημόν ye φάσμα ναυβάταις. | τῶν Βοιωτῶν δ᾽
ὅπλισμα, ποντίας ] πεντήκοντα νῆας εἰδόμαν | σημείοισιν ἐστολισμένας" | τοῖς δὲ
Κάδμος ἦν | χρύσεον δράκοντ᾽ ἔχων | ἀμφὶ ναῶν κόρυμβα. 273—276, ἐκ Πύλου δὲ
Νέστορος | Τερηνίου κατειδόμαν | πρύμνας σῆμα ταυρόπουν ὁρᾶν | τὸν πάροικον ᾿Αλφεόν.
Aristophanes, Acharnenses, 544-547, καὶ κάρτα μεντἂν εὐθέως καθείλκετε |
τριακοσίας ναῦς, ἣν δ᾽ ἂν ἡ πόλις πλέα | θορύβου στρατιωτῶν, περὶ τριηράρχου βοῆς, |
μισθοῦ διδομένου, Ilad\adiwy χρυσουμένων, x.7.d. Virgil, Afneid, x. 170, 171,
una torvus Abas: huic totum insignibus armis | agmen, et aurato fulgebat Apolline
puppis. Silius Italicus, xiv. 408—410, irrumpit Cumana ratis,...numen erat
celse puppis vicina Dione, 438, 439, Ammon numen erat Libyce gentile carine, |
cornigeraque sedens spectabat cerula fronte. Ovid, tristia, i. 10. 12, Palladio
numine tuta fuit, sc. navis, cf. 1, flave tutela Minerve. Valerius Flaccus, viii.
202, 203, puppe procul summa vigilis post terga magistri | heserat aurate genibus
Medea Minerva, cf. i. 301, fulgens tutela caring. Seneca, epistole, 76. 13, ¢utela
(navis) ebore celata est. The distitiction between the ἐρίφια and the insigne is
obvious in Ovid, tristia, i. 10. 1, 2, est mihi, sitque precor, flave tutela Minerve |
navis, et a picta casside nomen habet. There is presumably an error, πρῴρῃσι for
πρύμνῃσι, in the current reading of Herodotos, iii. 37, ἔστι yap τοῦ Ἡφαίστου
τὔγαλμα τοῖσι Φοινικηίοισι Taracxoior ἐμφερέστατον, τοὺς οἱ Φοίνικες ἐν τῇσι πρῴρῃσι
τῶν τριηρέων περιάγουσι. ὃς δὲ τούτους μὴ ὅπωπε, ἐγὼ δέ οἱ σημανέω" πυγμαίου
ἀνδρὸς μίμησίς ἐστι.

151 Lucian, navigium, 5, ἡ πρύμνα μὲν ἐπανέστηκεν ἠρέμα καμπύλη χρυσοῦν χηνί-
σκον ἐπικειμένη, cf. Jupiter tragoedus, 47, quoted in note 158 on p. 71. Apuleius,
metamorphoses, xi. 16, puppis intorta chenisco bracteis aurets vestito fulgebat.
Lucian, verze historic, ii. 41, ὅ re yap ἐν τῇ πρύμνῃ χηνίσκος ἄφνω ἐπτερύξατο Kal
ἀνεβόησε, καὶ ὁ κυβερνήτης φαλαρκὸς ἤδη ὧν ἀνεκόμησε, x.T.X. This passage is
obviously a skit on the Homeric hymn to Dionysos. The χηνίσκος is mentioned
again by Ptolemy, Almagest, viii. 1, ᾿Αργοῦς ἀστερισμός.

62

68 ORNAMENTS AT STEM AND STERN.

-

The stern used generally to be surmounted by an orna-
ment, which may originally have been an imitation of the bud
or flower of the lotos, as in the Egyptian ships of about
1250 B.c. in fgs. 3 to 5; but this developed into something
like a plume or fan, that always looks rather massive in reliefs,
as in fg. 24, but light and feathery in paintings, as in fgs. 17.
to 19, 35 and 36. This ornament was taken as a trophy,
whenever a ship was captured™. Another such ornament
used sometimes to surmount the stem in default of a figure-
head, as in the Greek and Roman war-ships in fgs. 23 and 25.
The type depicted in fg. 23 and previously in fg. 13 can be
traced to its origin in fg. 3,an old Egyptian form of bow sur-
viving in this useless ornament above the ram. And the type .

152 Tliad, ix. 241, 242, στεῦται γὰρ νηῶν ἀποκόψειν ἄκρα κόρυμβα, | αὐτάς τ᾽
ἐμπρήσειν μαλεροῦ πυρός. Apollonios Rhodios, ii. 601, ἔμπης δ᾽ ἀφλάστοιο παρέ-
θρισαν ἄκρα κόρυμβα -- αἸετῖιι5 Flaccus, iv. 691, extremis tamen increpuere corymbis. |
Here the κόρυμβα must be the aftermost piece of the ship, as the legend was that
the Symplegades did not snap at the Argo till she was all but clear of them; and
they are reckoned as part of the ἄφλαστον, which was certainly at the stern. Iliad,
xv. 716, 717, Ἕκτωρ δὲ πρύμνηθεν ἐπεὶ λάβεν, οὐχὶ μεθίει, | ἄφλαστον μετὰ χερσ
ἔχων, cf. Lucan, iii. 586, Graiwmgue audax aplustre retentat. Lucretius, iv. 437
438, at maris ignaris in portu clauda videntur | navigia aplustris fractis obnitier
unde. ‘This shews that the aplustre reached down below the water-line, for
Lucretius is speaking of the refraction through the water; so the aplustre or
ἄφλαστον was presumably the after part of the keel, answering to the στεῖρα at the
other end, as to which see note 96 on p. 40. But in Juvenal, x. 135, 136,
victeque triremis | aplustre, the name aplustre seems to be transferred from the
ἄφλαστον as a whole to the part that formed the trophy, the ἄκρα κόρυμβα. Man
authors speak of ἀκροστόλια as trophies: Diodoros, xviii. 75, xx. 87; Strabo, iii
4- 3; Plutarch, Alcibiades, 32; Appian, de bello Mithridatico, 25; Polyzenos, iv.
6.9. But authors of earlier date, and others who quote from them, prefer the
term ἀκρωτήρια : Herodotos, iii. 59, viii. 121; Xenophon, Hellenica, ii. 3. 8, vi. 2.
36; Polyzenos, v. 41; Athenzos, xii. 49. In the former passage Herodotos refers
to ἀκρωτήρια at the bows—see note 147 on p. 65—but in the latter he describes a
statue holding an ἀκρωτήριον in its hand; and when such figures appear on coins,
the trophy in their hands is always the ornament from the stern. cf. Hymnus it
Dioscuros, 10, 11, ἐπ᾽ ἀκρωτήρια βάντες | πρύμνης. Again, in the passage quoted
from Athenzos in note 24 on p. 9, Callixenos assigns the ἀκροστόλιον to the bows, —
contrasting it with the ἄφλαστον or ἄφλαστα at the stern; while in the Almagest,
viii. 1, ᾿Αργοῦς ἀστερισμός, Ptolemy places a pair of stars ἐν τῷ ἀκροστολίῳ, and the
constellation shewed only the after part of the ship. Thus ἀκρωτήριον and
ἀκροστόλιον appear to be general terms for ornaments at either extremity of a ship
though oftenest applied to the ornament at the stern, as that was the more
conspicuous, There is no warrant for the notion that the stem-post was called th

THE HAWSE-HOLES IN THE BOWS. 69

π᾿

depicted in fg. 25 preserves the normal contour of the bow in
merchant-ships. On the Roman merchant-ship in fg. 26
there is a gallery round the stem as well as round the stern;
and both these galleries appear again in the ships of later
date in fgs. 37 and 40.

On each bow of a ship there generally was a huge eye, as
in fes. 12, 13, 15, 19 and 40; and sometimes more than one,
as in fg. 23. These pairs of eyes doubtless owed their origin
to the sentiment that a ship is a living thing and must see
her way: but in course of time they probably were turned to
account as hawse-holes for the anchor-cables™. The anchors
used to be suspended from the catheads a little way abaft of
these hawse-holes™

στόλος, and that the ἀκροστόλιον was the top of this; for in Aschylos, Perse, 408,
409, εὐθὺς δὲ ναῦς ἐν νηὶ χαλκήρη στόλον | ἔπαισεν, the term στόλος can hardly
mean more than structure—cf. 416, ἔθραυον πάντα κωπήρη στόλον --- ἀπ in
Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1135, the meaning seems to be just as vague:
see note 202 on p. 94. All these terms are avoided by Pausanias, γ. II. 5, kal
Zarapls ἔχουσα ἐν τῇ χειρὶ τὸν ἐπὶ ταῖς ναυσὶν ἄκραις ποιούμενον κόσμον, x. ΤΕ, 0;
ἀνάκειται δὲ καὶ πλοίων τὰ ἄκρα κοσμήματα.

188 Aischylos, supplices, 716, καὶ πρῷρα πρόσθεν ὄμμασι βλέπουσ᾽ ὁδόν, 743,
744, δορυπαγεῖς δ᾽ ἔχοντες κυανώπιδας | νῆας ἔπλευσαν, cf. Pers, 559, 560,
κυανώπιδες | νᾶες. Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, γλαυκοῖς μὲν (ἡ vais) γέγραπται
χρώμασι, βλοσυροῖς δὲ κατὰ πρῷραν ὀφθαλμοῖς οἷον βλέπει. Corp. Inscr. Attic.
vol. ii, no. 789, col. a, 1]. 24, αὕτη σκεῦος ἔχει οὐθέν, οὔθ᾽ οἱ ὀφθαλμοὶ ἔνεισιν, no.
791, 1. 68, ὀφθαλμὸς κατέαγεν, cf. ll. 41, 75. These entries shew that the eyes
‘were not mere ornaments painted on the ship, but served some useful purpose:
and they could hardly be used for anything but hawse-holes. The epithet
kvavwmis suggests that they were made of bronze, like the ram: cf. Aristophanes,
equites, 554, 555, κυανέμβολοι | τριήρεις, rane, 1318, πρῴραις κυανεμβόλοις. See
mote 147 on p. 65 as to the nose of a ship, and note gi on p. 37 as to the cheeks.

14 Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350, 1351, of δ᾽ émwridwy | ἀγκύρας
ἐξανῆπτον, cf. Pindar, Pythia, iv. 191, 192, ἐπεὶ δ᾽ éuBddrou | κρέμασαν ἀγκύρας
ὕπερθεν. There are two slits in the side of each cathead on the ship of about
300 B.C., which is viewed from the front in fg. 22. Each slit is horizontal, and is
crossed by a vertical pin in the middle: and abaft of the pin the depth decreases
gradually in a slope up to the outer surface of the cathead. On each cathead one
of the slits stands a little above and abaft of the other. These slits seem to be
intended for a loop of rope to hold the anchor; the two ends of the rope entering
the slits from behind and passing out again in front of the pins to form the loop.
An elaborate theory has been based upon the supposition that these two slits are
the port-holes for the bow oars of an upper and a lower bank, the cathead being
merely the front of a long structure serving as an outrigger. There is not any
evidence of that.

7O ANCHORS OF STONE, IRON AND LEAD;

The genuine anchor with a pair of arms was reckoned
among the inventions of Anacharsis!; and he was in his
prime about 600 B.C. In earlier times the anchors had been —
made of stone™, At first the metal anchors were made of
iron; and these were singularly light, an anchor of less than
half a hundred-weight being in use in the Athenian navy.
But all such anchors had a mass of stone and lead fixed on
to them by means of iron clamps, and thus acquired what
weight they wanted’. Apparently, this ballast was fastened
to the anchor near the bottom of the shank, and filled up

155 Strabo, vii. 3. 9, καὶ τὸν ᾿Ανάχαρσιν δὲ σοφὸν καλῶν ὁ “Edopos τούτου τοῦ
γένους (Σκυθῶν) φησὶν εἷναι" νομισθῆναι δὲ καὶ ἑπτὰ σοφῶν ἕνα τελείᾳ σωφροσύνῃ
καὶ συνέσει" εὑρήματά τε αὐτοῦ λέγει τά τε ζώπυρα καὶ τὴν ἀμφίβολον ἄγκυραν καὶ
τὸν κεραμικὸν τροχόν. Some sort of anchor had already been invented by Midas,
according to Pausanias, i. 4. 5, ἄγκυρα δέ, ἣν ὁ Midas ἀνεῦρεν, ἦν ἔτι καὶ és ἐμὲ ev
ἱερῷ Διός. cf. Pliny, vii. 57, ancoram (invenit) Eupalamus; eandem bidentem ὦ
Anacharsis, Latin writers often termed the arm of the anchor its tooth, and
spoke of its bite: Livy, xxxvii. 30, ancora unco dente alligavit, Virgil, AEneid,
i. 169, unco non alligat ancora morsu, Vi. 3, 4, dente tenact | ancora fundabat naves.
And Greek writers also: Lycophron, 99, 100, καμπύλους σχάσας | πεύκης dddvTas, —
ἕκτορας πλημμυρίδος, Lucian, Lexiphanes, 15, ἕκτορας ἀμφιστόμους. But see
Plutarch, de mulierum virtutibus, 8, dua δὲ ὁ Πόλλις κατέμαθε τῇ ἀγκύρᾳ τὸν
ὄνυχα μὴ προσόντα" βίᾳ γὰρ ἑλκομένης, ὡς ἔοικεν, ἐν τόποις ὑποπέτροις ἀποσπασθεὶς
ἔλαθε. Here the arm is termed the talon: and possibly wucus should be read
unguis in Lucan, ii. 694, and Valerius Flaccus, ii. 428. The name ἄγκυρα
appears for the first time in Alceos, Fr. 18, apud Heracleitum, allegorie, 5
χόλαισι δ᾽ ἄγκυραι, and then in Theognis, 459, οὐδ᾽ ἄγκυραι ἔχουσιν.

156. Arrian, periplus, 9, ἐνταῦθα καὶ ἡ ἄγκυρα δείκνυται τῆς ᾿Αργοῦς. καὶ ἡ μὲν.
σιδηρᾷ οὐκ ἔδοξέ μοι εἶναι παλαιά. λιθίνης δέ τινος ἄλλης θραύσματα ἐδείκνυτο παλαιά,
ws ταῦτα μᾶλλον εἰκάσαι ἐκεῖνα εἶναι τὰ λείψανα τῆς ἀγκύρας τῆς ᾿Αργοῦς. ΑΡοΪ-
lonios Rhodios, i. 955-958, κεῖσε καὶ εὐναίης ὀλίγον λίθον ἐκλύσαντες | Tivos ἐννε- —
σίῃσιν ὑπὸ κρήνῃ ἐλίποντο, | κρήνῃ ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αρτακίῃ᾽ ἕτερον δ᾽ ἕλον, ὅστις ἀρήρει, | βριθύν. —
These stone anchors are termed εὐναί in the Homeric poems. Iliad, i. 436, ἐκ
δ᾽ εὐνὰς ἔβαλον, κατὰ δὲ πρυμνήσι᾽ ἔδησαν, xiv. 77, ὕψι δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ εὐνάων ὁρμίσσομεν.
Odyssey, ix. 137, οὔτ᾽ εὐνὰς βαλέειν οὔτε πρυμνήσι᾽ ἀνάψαι, cf. xv. 498. The form —
εὐναῖαι occurs again in Apollonios Rhodios, i. 1277, ii. 1282, iv. 888; but gives —
place to εὐναί at iv. 1713. See also Oppian, de piscatione, iii. 373, νέρθεν.
ἀναψάμενοι τρητὸν λίθον εὐναστῆρα. This refers toa plummet for a weel. In the
Odyssey, xiii. 77, πεῖσμα δ᾽ ἔλυσαν ἀπὸ τρητοῖο λίθοιο, the stone is clearly a fixture —
on the shore, with a hole through it for a ship’s cable; but according to ~
Herodotos, ii. 96, vessels coming down the Nile used to tow a λίθος rerpyuévos —
astern to steady them against the current. In mooring vessels for floating-bridges”
the Romans made use of conical baskets filled with stones. Arrian, anabasis, v.
7, kal ἐνταῦθα ἤδη καθίεται πλέγματα ἐκ λύγου πυραμοειδῆ πλήρη λίθων λογάδων ἀπὸ
πρῴρας ἑκάστης νεώς, τοῦ ἀνέχειν τὴν ναῦν πρὸς τὸν ῥοῦν. ᾿

THEIR WEIGHT, FORM AND STRUCTURE. 71

all the space between the arms, as shewn on the coin of
about 350 B.c. in fg. 44. At a later date the anchors were
made of lead, and perhaps of other metals!*, The remains of
an anchor of this class, lately recovered near Cyrene, are
drawn to scale in fgs. 45 to 47. One piece seems to be the
stock, and the other two the arms; and these are all of lead,
without any alloy’. The shank was probably of wood, as
that has perished. The three surviving pieces weigh 372 lbs.
and 472 and 473 lbs. respectively, or 1317 lbs. altogether ;
and a wooden shank would increase the weight to more

167 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. b, Il. 83—88, ἀγκύρας σιδηρ[ᾶς,
σταθμὸν μναῖ AA.. ,) δεσμὰ σιδηρᾷ δόκιμα τὰ] ἐκ τῶν λίθων ἐγλυθέν[τα] σὺν τῷ

μολύβδῳ, ἀρι[θμὸ5] ΠΗΗΔΙΔΙΔΙΠ, This inscription dates from 329B.c. Inscrip-

‘tion from Delos in the Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, vol. vi, p. 47,
l. 171, ἄγκυρα σιδηρᾶ, λίθον οὐκ ἔχουσα, cf. 1. 168, ἄγκυρα σιδηρᾶ, καὶ λίθος
μολυβδοῦς. This inscription dates from 180 B.c. Diodoros, v. 35, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο δέ
(φασι) τοὺς ἐμπόρους Siareivar τῆς φιλοκερδίας ὥστε, ἐπειδὰν καταγόμων ὄντων τῶν
πλοίων περιττεύῃ πολὺς ἄργυρος, ἐκκόπτειν τὸν ἐν ταῖς ἀγκύραις μόλιβδον καὶ ἐκ
τοῦ ἀργύρου τὴν ἐκ τοῦ μολίβδου χρείαν ἀλλάττεσθαι. In the Athenian inscription
the first numeral would be in place of A, if the weight had exceeded 50 mnas;
and 50 mnas are rather less than §0 lbs.

8 Lucian, Jupiter tragoedus, 47, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν mpdrovos, εἰ τύχοι, és Thy πρύμναν
ἀποτέταται, ol πόδες δὲ és τὴν πρῷραν ἀμφότεροι" καὶ χρυσαῖ μὲν αἱ ἄγκυραι ἐνίοτε,
ὁ χηνίσκος δὲ μολυβδοῦς, καὶ τὰ μὲν ὕφαλα κατάγραφα, τὰ δ᾽ ἔξαλα τῆς νεὼς ἄμορφα.

_ This implies that the anchors used generally to be made of lead at that period, the

xnvicxos being gilt: see note 151 on p. 67. According to the present reading,
wooden anchors are mentioned by Moschion, apud Athenzeum, v. 43, ἄγκυραι dé
ἦσαν ξύλιναι μὲν τέτταρες, σιδηραῖ δὲ ὀκτώ. But they are not mentioned by any
other ancient author: so the reading is probably corrupt. For ξύλιναι read
ὑάλιναι. cf. Lucian, verze historic, i. 42, καὶ yap ἀγκύραις ἐχρῶντο μεγάλαις,
ὑαλίναις, kaprepais. Apparently, some metal was known as ὕαλος, for ὑάλινος
cannot here refer to glass; and this metal may be intended in the story of the
ποτήριον vadodv in Dion Cassius, lvii. 21, Petronius, 51, Pliny, xxxvi. 66, and
Isidore, origines, xvi. 16. 6. It is obviously the ship, not the anchor, that
Lycophron describes as πεύκη in the passage quoted in note 155: cf. Euripides,
Phoenissze, 209, ἐλάτᾳ πλεύσασα, Alcestis, 444, ἐλάτᾳ δικώπῳ.

9 The components of a sample were lead 98°65 per cent, iron 55» tin ‘12,
Silver ‘o11, and gold ‘ooo5. Some oxygen was present also. I am indebted to
Mr Roberts Austen of the Royal Mint for making the analysis. To judge by
look, the material is just the same in a similar arm recovered near Syme and now
in the collection of the Archzological Society at Athens. This arm retains a
portion of a bar corresponding to the bar that runs across the opening in the stock
in fg. 45; and there are traces of another such bar in both the arms belonging to
that stock.

72 SET OF ANCHORS FOR A SHIP.

than 1400 lbs., or twelve and a half hundred-weight, which
is now the allowance for the best bower on a sailing-ship
of 250 tons. But this anchor could never have held 50.
firmly as a modern anchor of equal weight; so its ship was
probably of lower tonnage. The ship’s name, Zeus Hypatos, ~
is inscribed in relief upon the arms™. In the Athenian —
navy the war-ships carried two anchors apiece™: but large ©
merchant-ships carried more, and sometimes had three or
four anchors out at once; the anchor that was let go last of
all—the sheet-anchor now—passing among sailors as the holy
anchor™., Cork floats were kept for marking the position of

160 This inscription reads NEYC YMATOCL. The words are not repeated; —
but Ζεύς is on the right arm facing one way, and ὕπατος on the right arm facing ©

the other way. The word AYIAT (MX is inscribed upon the arm at Athens. —
The form of the lettering in these inscriptions dates them near the beginning
of the Christian Era.

161 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, ll. 66—102, no. 808, col. d,
ll, r19—151, no. 809, col. 6, ll. 75—110, no. 811, col. c, ll. r11—32. These are
the lists of the entire gear (ἐντελῆ σκεύη) supplied to ships of three and four banks
in 330/329 B.C. and following years; and in every case they mention ἀγκύρας
σιδηρᾶς δύο, or simply ἀγκύρας δύο: cf. no. 793, col. f, ll. 6—8, ἀγκυρῶν ἀριθμὸς]
AM Il αὗται yiy[vovra] ἐπὶ ναῦς [lll e[vrede7s. In one instance there are four
anchors, no. 803, col. c, ll. 54—72: but this is a list of gear supplied to a ship
during the term of a command, and consequently does not show that she had all
the four at once.

162 Plutarch, Solon, 19, τὴν δ᾽ ἄνω βουλὴν ἐκάθισεν, οἰόμενος ἐπὶ δυσὶ βουλαῖς
ὥσπερ ἀγκύραις ὁρμοῦσαν ἧττον ἐν σάλῳ τὴν πόλιν ἔσεσθαι, cf. Demosthenes, in
Dionysodorum, 44, ἐπὶ δυοῖν ἀγκύραιν ὁρμεῖν. Synesios, epistolee, p. 164, ἡ μὲν οὖν
ναῦς ἐσάλευεν ἐπ᾽ ἀγκύρας μιᾶς, ἡ ἑτέρα γὰρ ἀπημπόλητο, τρίτην δὲ ἄγκυραν ᾿Αμάραν-
τος οὐκ ἐκτήσατος Euripides, Phaethon, Fr. 7, apud Stobzeum, xliii. 3, ναῦν τοι wl’
ἄγκυρ᾽ οὐδαμοῦ σώζειν φιλεῖ, | ws τρεῖς ἀφέντι. Acts, xxvii. 29, ἐκ πρύμνης ῥίψαντες
ἀγκύρας τέσσαρας. Lucian, fugitivi, 13, ἔδοξε δὴ σκοπουμένοις τὴν ὑστάτην ἄγκυραν,
ἣν ἱερὰν οἱ ναυτιλλόμενοί φασι, καθιέναι, cf. Jupiter tragoedus, 51. Plutarch, pree-
cepta gerendze rei publicze, 15. 15, μηδὲ (δεῖ) ὥσπερ ἐν πλοίῳ σκεῦος ἱερὸν ἀποκεῖσθαι,
τὰς ἐσχάτας περιμένοντα χρείας, 19. 8, ὥσπερ ἄγκυραν ἱερὰν ἀράμενον ἐπὶ τοῖς μεγίσ-
τοις, cf. Coriolanus, 32.

163 Pausanias, viii. 12. 1, ᾿Αρκάδων δὲ ἐν τοῖς δρυμοῖς εἰσιν αἱ δρῦς διάφοροι, kal —
τὰς μὲν πλατυφύλλους αὐτῶν, τὰς δὲ φηγοὺς καλοῦσιν " αἱ τρίται δὲ ἀραιὸν τὸν φλοιὸν
καὶ οὕτω δή τι παρέχοντα κοῦφον ὥστε ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐν θαλάσσῃ ποιοῦνται σημεῖα
ἀγκύραις καὶ δικτύοις. cf. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iii. 16. 3, ὃ δὲ καλοῦσιν
oi ᾿Αρκάδες φελλόδρυν. Pliny, xvi. 13, subert minima arbor, glans pessima, rara:
cortex tantum in fructu, precrassus ac renascens, atque etiam in denos pedes undique
explanatus. wusus eius ancoralibus maxime navium piscantiumque tragults.

CHAIN-CABLES AND ROPE-CABLES. 73

the anchors, when that was necessary*®; and these did duty
as life-buoys, if anybody fell overboard™. The cables were
sometimes made of chain, but usually of rope: and a thicker
rope was needed for large merchant-ships than for the war-
ships®. Rope-cables of two sizes were in use in the Athenian
navy, one described as six-inch and the other as four-inch
and a half: but unfortunately there is nothing to shew
whether these measurements refer to the circumference or the
diameter’, Four cables of each sort were carried by each
ship, one set to serve the two anchors at the bows, and the
other for making the ship fast to the shore by her stern:

164 Lucian, Toxaris, 20, φελλούς τε yap πολλοὺς ἀφεῖναι αὐτοῖς Kal τῶν κοντῶν
τινας, ὡς ἐπὶ τούτων ἀπονήξαιντο, εἴ τινι αὐτῶν περιτύχοιεν, καὶ τέλος καὶ τὴν ἀπο-
βάθραν αὐτὴν οὐ μικρὰν οὗσαν. 21, τὸ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον φελλοῖς τισι περιπεσόντας
ἀνέχειν ἐπὶ τούτων ἑαυτοὺς καὶ ἀπονήχεσθαι πονήρως, ὕστερον δὲ τὴν ἀποβάθραν
ἰδόντας, κ.τ.λ.

165 Aristophanes, pax, 36, 37, ὥσπερ οἱ τὰ σχοινία | τὰ παχέα συμβάλλοντες εἰς
τὰς ὁλκάδας. Arrian, anabasis, ii. 21, ἁλύσεσιν εἰς τὰς ἀγκύρας ἀντὶ σχοινίων χρώ-
μενοι, cf. Herodotos, ix. 74, χαλκέῃ ἁλύσι δεδεμένην ἄγκυραν. σιδηρέην. Cesar,
de bello Gallico, iii. 13, axcore, pro funibus, ferreis catenis revincta.

166 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, ll. 66—102, no. 808, col. ἃ, Il.
I19—151, no. 809, col. 6, ll. 75—110, no. 811, col. c, ll. 11—32. These are the
lists of the entire gear (ἐντελῇ σκεύη) supplied to ships of three and four banks in
330/329 B.C. and following years; and in every case they mention σχοινία, ὀκτω-

δάκτυλα [{{|, ἑξδάκτυλα Ill]. These cables were described as ἐπίγυα and ἀγκύρεια
a few years earlier. Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 793, col. e, ll. 22—26, σχοινία"

᾿Ακροτέρᾳ ἐπίγνα |||, ἩΗδίστῃ ἐπίγνα ||, Ναυκράτιδι ἐπίγυα [{{], Ἕν ἐπίγνα Il, col.
h, ll. 19, 20, [ἐπὶ] τὴν Ἡδίστην [σχ]οινία ἀγκύρεια Illl, no. 794, col. b, 1]. 33—35>

σχοινίων ἀριθ(μὸς) ἐντελ(ῇ) ἐπὶ να(ῦς) AAAAT |] καὶ ἐπίγυ(α) AAAI καὶ ἀγκυ-
ρείων ἕν. These inscriptions of 357/6 and 356/5 indicate that only two sorts of
σχοινία were then in use, and that four of each sort made a complete set: so the
change was merely in the names. For the name ἐπέίγυα see Polybios, iii. 46, τὴν δ᾽
ἀπὸ τοῦ ῥεύματος πλευρὰν ἠσφαλίζοντο τοῖς ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐπιγύοις, els τὰ περὶ Td χεῖλος
πεφυκότα τῶν δένδρων ἐνάπτοντες, xxxili. 7, τἀπόγαια καὶ τὰς ἀγκύρας, Lucian, verze
historize, i. 42, ἐξάψαντες αὐτοῦ τὰ ἀπόγεια, καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀγκυρῶν πλησίον ὁρμισάμενοι,
Aristophanes, apud Harpocrationem, s.v. ἐπιβάτης :---εὖ Ὑ ἐξεκολύμβησ᾽ οὑπιβάτης,
ὡς ἐξοίσων ἐπίγειον, and Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, x. 1. 5, ἀγκύρας
ἀνέλοιο καὶ ἐκλύσαιο γύαια: also Quintilian, iv. 2. 41, sublate sunt ancore, solvimus
oram, and Livy, xxii. 19, vesolutis oris, in ancoras evehuntur, xxviii. 36, orasgue e¢
ancoras, ne in moliendo mora esset, precidunt. These shore-cables seem to be the
same as the stern-cables, πρυμνήσια, which are likewise named apart from the
anchor-cables; and also the same as the mooring-cables, πείσματα, which were
likewise made fast to the shore. Odyssey, xv. 498, ἐκ δ᾽ εὐνὰς ἔβαλον, κατὰ δὲ

74 ANCHORS AND CABLES AT THE STERN.

and ships everywhere carried some shore-cables at the stern
in addition to the anchor-cables at the bows. Ships being
thus fitted for cables at each end, anchors could easily be put ©
out astern, if needed there for any manceuvre or to help the
ship ride out a gale™.

The ships used to be steered with a pair of very large oars
at the stern, one on either side™. In vessels built for rowing
either way, and therefore shaped alike at stem and stern, a
pair was carried at each end™. And occasionally a second |

:

«

πρυμνήσι᾽ ἔδησαν, x. 96, πέτρης ἐκ πείσματα δήσας, xiii. 77, πεῖσμα δ᾽ ἔλυσαν ἀπὸ.
τρητοῖο λίθοιο, xv. 286, τοὶ δὲ πρυμνήσι᾽ ἔλυσαν, cf. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 912, 913) Ἀ
πρυμνήσια δὲ σφίσιν "Αργος | λῦσεν ὑπὲκ πέτρης ἁλιμυρέος. Athenzeos, xv. 12,
λυσαμένους δ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὰ πρυμνήσια καὶ τὰς ἀγκύρας ἀνελομένους. Polyzenos, iv. 6. 8,
ἄλλοι μὲν ἀνέακὼν τὰ Hi aentonke ἄλλοι δὲ ἀγκύρας ἀνιμῶντο. Philostratos, big “a j

The πρυμνήσια and the πείσματα are οὐθῖν SEA ΘᾺ together in Odyssey, ix. 1 36, 137. Ϊ
ἐν δὲ λιμὴν εὔορμος, ἵν᾿ οὐ χρεὼ πείσματός ἐστιν, | οὔτ᾽ εὐνὰς βαλέειν οὔτε πρυμνήσι᾽ Ι
ἀνάψαι. But that is mere tautology; and the passage is translated accordingly
by Virgil, Aineid, i. 168, 169, Aic fessas non vincula naves | ulla tenent, unco non
alligat ancora morsu. Were πείσματα is rendered by vincuda, as in Pliny, xxxii.
1, non vincula ulla, non ancore: but elsewhere by retinacula. Ovid, metamor-
phoses, xv. 696, solvunt retinacula puppis, cf. xiv. 547.
167 Polyzenos, iii. 9. 63, ᾿Ιφικράτης περὶ Φοινίκην καταπλέων ἑκατὸν τριακοντόροις,
ἔνθα τεναγώδης αἰγιαλὸς ἦν, παρήγγειλεν, ὅταν τὸ σημεῖον ἀναδειχθῇ, τοῖς μὲν κυβερ-
νήταις ἄγκυραν ἀφιέναι κατὰ πρύμναν καὶ τὴν καταγωγὴν ἐν τάξει ποιεῖσθαι, τοῖς ὃ ;
στρατιώταις, K.T.A.......8 δὲ ἤδη σύμμετρον ὑπέλαβεν εἶναι τὸ τῆς θαλάσσης βάθος,
ἀνέτεινε τὸ σημεῖον τῆς ἐκβάσεως. αἱ τριακόντοροι μὲν ἐν τάξει κατήγοντο διὰ Ϊ
ἀγκυρῶν, οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες, κιτιλ. This happened about 375 B.c. Appian, de rebus
Punicis, 123, Ῥωμαίοις δὲ 6 μὲν ἐπίπλους ἦν ῥᾷδιος, καὶ τὸ μάχεσθαι ναυσὶν ἑστώσαις
εὐμαρές" αἱ δ᾽ ἀναχωρήσεις δι᾿ ἀναστροφὴν τῶν νεῶν, μακρῶν οὐσῶν, βραδεῖαί τε καὶ
δυσχερεῖς éreylyvovro* ὅθεν ἀντέπασχον ἐν τῷδε τὰ ὅμοια, ὅτε γὰρ ἐπιστρέφοιντο,
ἐπλήσσοντο ὑπὸ τῶν ἘΟΡΧΌΝΕΩΝ ἐπιπλεόντων. μέχρι νῆες Σιδητῶν πέντε, al φιλίς
Σκιπίωνος εἵποντο, τὰς μὲν ἀγκύρας καθῆκαν ἐκ πολλοῦ διαστήματος ἐς τὸ πέλαγος,
ἁψάμεναι δ᾽ ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν κάλους μακρούς, εἰρεσίᾳ τοῖς ἹΚαρχηδονίοις ἐπέπλεον, καὶ ὅτε
ἐγχρίμψειαν, ὑπεχώρουν, τοὺς κάλους ἐπισπώμεναι κατὰ πρύμναν " αὖϑίς τε ῥοθίῳ
καταπλέουσαι, πάλιν ἀνήγοντο κατὰ πρύμναν. This happened in 147B.c. Appian,
de bellis civilibus, v. 89, τὰς ναῦς ἑκατέρωθεν ἀγκύραις ἔκ τε τοῦ πελάγους καὶ ἀπὸ
τῆς γῆς διεκράτουν. This was in a gale in 38 B.c. Acts, xxvii. 29, ἐκ πρύμνης
ῥίψαντες ἀγκύρας τέσσαρας. This was also ina gale. An anchor is represented at
the stern of one of the ships on Trajan’s Column, where the fleet appears to be
going down a river.
168 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 793, col. a, ll. 23—27, [π]ηδαλίων apd

HHHHFIAMIII] +: ταῦτα γίγνεται ἐπὶ vais HHAAAIII καὶ ἕν πηδάλιον. cf.
Heliodoros, Aithiopica, v. 22, τῶν πηδαλίων θάτερον ἀποβαλόντες, Apuleius,

THE OARS FOR STEERING THE SHIP. 75

pair was carried near the stern in vessels of ordinary build ;
so that if the ship was pitching heavily enough for the usual
steering-oars to come out of the water at every plunge, the
steering could be managed with another pair placed a little
further forward’. The steering-oars were fastened to the
sides of a ship just below the gunwale, either by passing the
loom of the oar through some sort of loop or ring, or else by
tying it between a pair of pegs™: and these fastenings may
be noticed on the ships in fgs. 3 to 5, 17, 18 and 40. The

metamorphoses, ii. 14, utrogue regimine amisso. Herodotos, ii. 96, πηδάλιον δὲ
ἕν ποιεῦνται, καὶ τοῦτο διὰ τῆς τρόπιος διαβύνεται. Herodotos is speaking of vessels
on the Nile; and his emphasis shews how unusual it was for a vessel to have only
a single steering-oar. In these Egyptian vessels the steering-oar must have passed
through the after end of the keel, where it curved upwards in place of a stern-post :
see p. 39 and notes 95, 96.

169 Athenzeos, v. 37, πηδάλια δ᾽ εἶχε rérrapa,....dlarpwpos δ᾽ ἐγεγόνει καὶ
δίπρυμνος. Dion Cassius, lxxiv. 11, καί τινα αὐτῶν ἑκατέρωθεν καὶ ἐκ τῆς πρύμνης
καὶ ἐκ τῆς πρῴρας πηδαλίοις ἤσκετο. Tacitus, annales, ii, 6, appositis utrimgque
gubernaculis, converso ut repente remigto hinc vel illine appellerent.

170 Polyzenos, iii. 11. 14, Χαβρίας πρὸς τοὺς πελαγίους πλοῦς καὶ rods ἐν τῇ
θαλάττῃ χειμῶνας κατεσκεύαζεν ἑκάστῃ τῶν νηῶν δισσὰ πηδάλια. καὶ τοῖς μὲν

ὑπάρχουσιν ἐν ταῖς εὐδίαις ἐχρῆτο" εἰ δὲ ἡ θάλασσα κοίλη γένοιτο, θάτερα διὰ τῆς

παρεξειρεσίας κατὰ τὰς θρανίτιδας κώπας παρετίθει, τοὺς αὐχένας ἔχοντα καὶ τοὺς
οἴακας ὑπὲρ τοῦ καταστρώματος, ὥστε ἐξαιρομένης τῆς πρύμνης τούτοις τὴν ναῦν
κατευθύνεσθαι. Here αὐχήν must mean the loom of the oar, the handle being
known as οἵαξ : but it afterwards came to mean the oar itself. Leo, tactica, xix.
8, καὶ τοὺς δύο κυβερνήτας τῶν τοῦ δρόμωνος αὐχένων. See note 172 as to the
meanings of οἴαξ. The παρεξειρεσία is here the space between the rowers and the
stern, as also in Polyzenos, iii. 11. 13, Χαβρίάς πρὸς τὰς ἐπιβολὰς τῶν κυμάτων ὑπὲρ
τὴν παρεξειρεσίαν ἑκατέρου τοίχου δέῤῥεις παρέβαλεν, καὶ κατηλώσας ἀρτίως τῷ κατα-
στρώματι κατὰ τὸ ὕψος φράγμα κατελάμβανεν αὐτὸ πρὸς τὰς παρεξειρεσίας. τοῦτο δὲ
ἐκώλυε τὴν ναῦν ὑποβρύχιον φέρεσθαι καὶ τοὺς ναύτας ὑπὸ τῶν κυμάτων βρέχεσθαι"
καὶ τὰ ἐπιφερόμενα κύματα οὐχ ὁρῶντες διὰ τὴν τοῦ φράγματος πρόσθεσιν οὐκ ἐξανίσ-
ταντο διὰ τὸν φόβον οὐδὲ τὴν ναῦν ἔσφαλλον. See note 141 on p. 62 for another
meaning of παρεξειρεσία.

171 Euripides, Helena, 1536, πηδάλιά τε ζεύγλαισι παρακαθίετο. Acts, xxvil.
40, ἀνέντες τὰς ζευκτηρίας τῶν πηδαλίων. cf. Aristotle, mechanica, 6, ἣ μὲν δὴ τὸ
πηδάλιον προσέζευκται, δεῖ οἷόν τι τοῦ κινουμένου μέσον νοεῖν, καὶ ὥσπερ ὁ σκαλμὸς
τῇ κώπῃ. The term ξύγωσις is used by Callixenos in speaking of oars for rowing,
when he may really be referring to the steering-oars: see p. ro and note 25.
Orpheus, Argonautica, 278, 279, ἔπι δ᾽ αὖτ᾽ οἴηκας ἔδησαν, | πρυμνόθεν ἀρτήσαντες,
ἐπεσφίγξαντο δ᾽ ἱμᾶσιν. The term οἵαξ must here denote the entire steering-oar :
see next note. Vegetius, iv. 46, fer has (bipennes) in medio ardore pugnandi
peritissimi naute vel milites cum minoribus scaphulis secreto incidunt funes, guibus
adversariorum ligata sunt gubernacula.

v

76 THE OARS FOR STEERING THE SHIP,

steering-oars could thus be worked like oars for rowing ; and |
while the rowers drove the ship ahead and astern by pulling |
their oars forward or pushing them aft, the steerer drove her

to port and starboard by pulling his oar inboard or pushing it
outboard, if he steered with one, and moving the other in the
same direction, if he steered with two™. But this method was
impracticable when the steering-oars were big and heavy;
and they used then to be worked by turning them round a
little way. So long as the blades were parallel to the ship’s

keel, the ship went straight ahead: but if the oars were

172 Aristotle, mechanica, 6, διὰ τί τὸ πηδάλιον, μικρὸν ὃν καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτῳ
τῷ πλοίῳ, τοσαύτην δύναμιν ἔχει ὥσθ᾽ ὑπὸ μικροῦ olaxos καὶ ἑνὸς ἀνθρώπου δυνάμεως,
καὶ ταύτης ἠρεμαίας, μεγάλα κινεῖσθαι μεγέθη πλοίων ; ἢ διότι καὶ τὸ πηδάλιόν ἐστι
μοχλός, καὶ μοχλεύει ὁ κυβερνήτης ; ἣ μὲν οὖν προσήρμοσται τῷ πλοίῳ, γίνεται
ὑπομόχλιον, τὸ δ᾽ ὅλον πηδάλιον ὁ μοχλός, τὸ δὲ βάρος ἡ θάλασσα, ὁ δὲ κυβερνήτης
ὁ κινῶν....... ἡ μὲν οὖν κώπη κατὰ πλάτος τὸ βάρος ὠθοῦσα καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου ἀντωθουμένη
εἰς τὸ εὐθὺ προάγει" τὸ δὲ πηδάλιον, ὥσπερ κάθηται πλάγιον, τὴν εἰς τὸ πλάγιον
ἢ δεῦρο ἢ ἐκεῖ ποιεῖ κίνησιν...... ἡ μὲν δὴ τὸ πηδάλιον προσέζευκται, δεῖ οἷόν τι τοῦ
κινουμένου μέσον νοεῖν, καὶ ὥσπερ ὁ σκαλμὸς τῇ κώπῃ" τὸ δὲ μέσον ὑποχωρεῖ ἣ ὁ οἴαξ
μετακινεῖται. ἐὰν μὲν εἴσω. ἄγῃ, καὶ ἡ πρύμνα δεῦρο μεθέστηκεν, ἡ δὲ πρῷρα εἰς
τοὐναντίον νεύει. cf. Plato, Alcibiades, p. 117 C, τί δ᾽ εἰ ἐν νηὶ πλέοις, ἄρα δοξάζοις
ἄν, πότερον χρὴ τὸν οἴακα εἴσω ἄγειν ἢ ἔξω; Aristotle is followed by Vitruvius, x.
3. 5, gquemadmodum etiam navis onerarie maxime gubernator, ansam gubernaculi
tenens, gui olaf a Grecis appellatur, una manu, momento per centri librationem
pressionibus artis agitans, versat eam amplissimis et immanibus mercis et penus
ponderibus oneratam, reading lébrationem for rationem—cf. 4, per scapi librationem
—and assuming that avtzs comes from artus. The term olaé is here applied to the ©
handle of the steering-oar; and so also in Polyzenos, iii. 11. 14—see note 170—
and in Plutarch, Lysander, 12, ἦσαν δέ τινες of τοὺς Διοσκόρους ἐπὶ τῆς Λυσάνδρου
νεὼς ἑκατέρωθεν. ἄστρα τοῖς οἴαξιν ἐπιλάμψαι λέγοντες. But it used also to be
applied to the entire steering-oar, as in Orpheus, Argonautica, 278—see last note
—and in Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1356, 1357, καὶ διευθυντηρίας | οἴακας
ἐξῃροῦμεν εὐπρύμνου νεώς. This can only mean that they took away the steering-
oars, which was then the ordinary way of disabling a ship: cf. Herodotos, iii. 136;
Athenzeos, viii. 61; Xenophon, anabasis, v. 1. 11. The cognate term oljov
denotes the entire steering-oar in Odyssey, ix. 539, 540, κὰδ δ᾽ ἔβαλεν μετόπισθε
νεὸς κυανοπρῴροιο | τυτθόν, ἐδεύησεν δ᾽ οἰήιον ἄκρον ἱκέσθαι. This term occurs again
in Odyssey, xii. 218, ἐπεὶ νηὸς γλαφυρῆς οἰήια νωμᾷς, and in Iliad, xix. 43, καὶ ἔχον
οἰήια νηῶν, but without anything to shew whether it denotes the whole of the oar
or only the handle. Apparently οἵαξ was synonymous with πλῆκτρον. Herodotos,
i. 194, ἰθύνεται δὲ ὑπό τε δύο πλήκτρων Kal δύο ἀνδρῶν ὀρθῶν ἑστεώτων, καὶ ὁ μὲν
ἔσω ἕλκει τὸ πλῆκτρον, ὁ δὲ ἔξω ὠθέει. Sophocles, Fr. 151, apud Pollucem, x. 133,
πλήκτροις ἀπευθύνουσιν οὐρίαν τρόπιν. Silius Italicus, xiv. 401, 402, vesedentis
puppe magistri | affixit plectro dextram, sc. telum. .

rr
»

AND THE MODE OF WORKING THEM, 77

turned to bring the fore part of each blade to starboard and
the after part to port, the action of the water on the oars was
enough to thrust the ship’s stern to starboard and thus send
her head to port; and, conversely, if the oars were turned to
bring the fore part of each blade to port and the after part to
starboard, the ship’s head went to starboard. There was
probably a tiller in the loom or handle of each steering-oar
and a piece of gear to join these tillers; so that the steerer
could turn both oars at once™. In the Egyptian ships of
early date, as in fgs. 3 to 5, the steering-oars appear to be

178 Plutarch, de fortuna Romanorum, 4, οὐ μὲν γὰρ ἀπειθής, κατὰ Πίνδαρον,
οὐδὲ δίδυμον στρέφουσα πηδάλιον, sc. ἡ Τύχη. Lucian, navigium, 6, κἀκεῖνα πάντα
μικρός τις ἀνθρωπίσκος γέρων ἤδη ἔσωζεν ὑπὸ λεπτῇ κάμακι τὰ τηλικαῦτα πηδάλια
περιστρέφων. The equivalent of κάμαξ was adminiculum. Pliny, vii. 57, ααηεῖ-
nicula gubernandi (addidit) Tiphys. In the passage just quoted from Lucian the
term κάμαξ is used in the singular with πηδάλια in the plural, and so also is οἵαξ in
Plato, politicus, p. 272 E, πηδαλίων olaxos ἀφέμενος, sc. ὁ κυβερνήτης, and likewise

_ clavus with gubernacula in Cicero, pro Sestio, 9, clavum tanti imperit tenere et
τς gubernacula rei publice tractare. These passages imply that the two steering-oars
were controlled by a single piece of gear, and that this used sometimes to be
termed οἵαξ and clavus as well as κάμαξ and adminiculums; and various other
passages imply that ships were steered by turning the c/avus or οἴαξ. Quintilian,
li. 17. 24, dum clavum rectum teneam. Virgil, A®neid, v. 177, clavumgque ad
litora torguet. Euripides, Helena, 1590, 1591, πάλιν πλέωμεν, vavBarav. κέλευε
_ ob" | σὺ δὲ στρέφ᾽ οἴακα. Aschylos, septem adversus Thebas, 62, ὥστε ναὸς κεδνὸς
olaxoorpbgos. Pindar, Isthmia, iii. 89, κυβερνατῆρος οἰακοστρόφου. The expression
χαλινὰ οἷήκων is merely a pleonasm of Oppian, de piscatione, i. 189—192, ἕσπονται
πομπῆες ὁμόστολοι, ἄλλοθεν ἄλλος, | ἀμφιπερισκαίροντες ἐύζυγον ἅρμα θαλάσσης, |
τοίχους τ᾽ ἀμφοτέρους, περί τε πρυμναῖα χαλινὰ | οἰήκων " ἄλλοι δὲ περὶ πρῴρην
ἀγέρονται. For the converse metaphor, see Oppian, de venatione, i. 96, ἵππων
κυβερνητῆρα χαλινόν, and Aischylos, septem adversus Thebas, 206, ἱππικῶν
πηδαλίων. A similar pleonasm is introduced by Statius, Thebais, x. 182—185,
non secus, amisso medium cum preside puppis | fregtt iter, subit ad vidui
‘moderamina clavi | aut laterum custos, aut quem penes obvia ponto | prora fuit.
The term moderamen was used by itself, like regzmen, to denote a steering-oar.
Ovid, metamorphoses, iii. 644, capiatgue alius moderamina, dixt, xv. 726, innixus
moderamine navis, iii. 593, 594, addidici regimen, dextra moderante, carine |
Jlectere, xi. 552, frangitur et regimen; Apuleius, metamorphoses, ii. 14, wtrogue
regimine amisso. ‘The πτέρυξ was presumably the blade of the steering-oar.
Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 790, col. b, Il. 44—46, ἔχει πη[δ]άλια δύο, τοῦ
ἑτέρου] ἡ πτέρυξ ἀδόκιμος [π]α[ράκει]ται. Apollonios Rhodios, iv. 931, ἡ δ᾽ ὄπιθεν
πτέρυγος θίγε πηδαλίοιο. Apollonios is narrating how a goddess rose from the deep
and laid her hand upon the steering-oar; so the πτέρυξ was necessarily at the lower
end,

78 THE STYLE OF RIGGING IN VOGUE

attached to a pair of posts upon the deck besides the rings
underneath, as though their function was simply to turn upon
their axis: and in the Roman ships of about 200 A.D., as in
fe. 29, the motion of the steering-oars seems to be restricted
to the same extent by ropes fastened through the blades. In
these Roman ships both the oars were sheltered from the
impact of the waves by a prolongation of the upper waling-
pieces, or something of the sort, as may be seen in fgs. 26,
28, 29, 36 and 38. Curiously, the steering-gear was used to
keep the ship on either tack, when the wind was light,
the yard being left amidship; though in a stronger wind the
yard was properly braced round and the square-sail trimmed
accordingly™.

In every age and every district of the ancient world the
method of rigging ships was substantially the same: and this
method is first depicted by the Egyptians. Their ships on
the Red Sea about 1250 B.C., as in fgs. 4 and 5, had one mast
with two yards, and carried one large square-sail. The mast
was secured to a prop at its foot to keep it steady, and was

held by two fore-stays and one back-stay ; the two halyards °

of the upper yard being carried down to the quarters, so that
the strain on these relieved the back-stay and partially
obviated the need for shrouds. It is strange that the mast
had no shrouds at all: but a curious double mast, like a pair
of sheer-legs, had formerly been carried by vessels on the
Nile, as in fg. 1, which mast was always set athwartship, so
that no shrouds were needed on these vessels ; and possibly
mere force of habit kept the Egyptians from fitting shrouds
to the single mast of later times. Each yard was formed of
two spars lashed together, so as to avoid the waste of timber
in tapering the thicker end of a single spar to balance with
the thinner end: and this device was adopted by the Greeks
and Romans, as may be seen from the Athenian ships of
about 500 B.C. in fg. Ig and the Pompeian ship of about
50 A.D. in fg. 26, and was thus transmitted to the modern
world”. The yards were each worked by two braces; and
there were numerous lifts to support the lower-yard at all

174 Aristotle, mechanica, 8, quoted in note 206 on p. 96.

ON EGYPTIAN AND PHCENICIAN SHIPS. 79

times and the upper-yard when lowered. The other ropes
were brails for taking in the sail. In the great relief repre-
senting the battle in the Mediterranean about 1000 B.C. the
rigging is indicated very roughly both in the victorious
Egyptian ships, as in fg. 6, and in the defeated Asiatic ships,
as in fgs. 7 and 8: but two things at least are clear. The
_lower-yard had been discarded ; so that the lower corners of
the sail must now have been controlled by sheets. And the
sail was no longer taken in by brails stretching down obliquely
from the centre of the upper-yard, but by brailing-ropes
stretching vertically down from several points along the yard.
A figure of a square-sail on a mast with two yards forms the
hieroglyph zef, and forms part of the hieroglyph chont, which
represents a boat: so the unnecessary lower-yard had been in
use from very early times. But now it was discarded finally.
In the vase-paintings of about 600 B.c. in fgs. 12 and 13,
which come from, Etruria and Attica respectively, the ships
certainly look as though they had this yard. But in the
former the painter has simply reproduced the hieroglyph
chont ; as was perhaps to be expected, for the vase was made
by some Greek settler in the Delta of the Nile, and thence
exported to Etruria. And in the latter the absurdly straight
sides to the sail shew that its straight base is solely due to
the painter's methods.

The Pheenician ships of about 700 B.C., as in fg. Io, had
one mast with one yard, and carried a square-sail. They are
sometimes represented with two fore-stays and a. back-stay,
sometimes with two back-stays and a fore-stay; and always

_ with four other ropes, which seem to be sheets and braces:
but no further details can be traced. These ships, then, were
rigged like the ships that fought in the Mediterranean three
centuries before: so this scheme of rigging had probably been
long in use among the Phoenicians; and thus came to be

. adopted by the Greeks, when they began seafaring.

175 This explains why the Greeks and Romans usually spoke of the yard in the
plural as κεραῖαι or antenne. The Greeks should strictly have used the dual: but
the plural does not imply that there were more than two spars. Corp. Inscr.
Attic. vol. ii, no. 802, col. a, ll. 4, 5, κεραῖαι μεγάλαι" ἡ ἑτέρα ἀδόκιμος.

80 THE STYLE OF RIGGING IN VOGUE

The Homeric poems shew clearly enough how the earliest —
Greeks rigged their ships. There was the Azstos or mast,
‘supported at its foot by a prop termed éstopede, and held by
two protonot or fore-stays and an epitonos or back-stay.
When the mast was not in use, it lay aft in a rest termed
histodoke ; being raised thence and lowered thither-again by —
means of the fore-stays™. Upon the mast was the efikrion or
yard; and upon this was the sail. The sail is styled indif-
ferently speiron and histion and histia; the plural perhaps
denoting that it was formed of many pieces, as in the
Athenian ship of about 600 8.6. in fg. 13: and its whiteness
is emphasized. Ropes termed hyperai and kaloi and podes
are mentioned, but without any indication of their nature:
and the presence of halyards and brailing-ropes is implied”. —
The hyperai and podes, that is to say, the upper ropes and the’

>
Ἱ

8
᾿

jal

176 Odyssey, xii. 178, 179, οἱ δ᾽ ἐν νηΐ μ᾽ ἔδησαν ὁμοῦ χεῖράς τε πόδας τε ὀρθὸν ἐν.
ἱστοπέδῃ, ἐκ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πείρατ᾽ ἀνῆπτον, where αὐτοῦ must refer to ἱστοῦ. cf. Alczeos,
Fr. 18, apud Heracleitum, allegorize, 5, rep μὲν γὰρ ἄντλος ἱστοπέδαν ἔχει. Odyssey,
xii. 409—412, ἱστοῦ δὲ προτόνους ἔῤῥηξ᾽ ἀνέμοιο θύελλα | ἀμφοτέρους" ἱστὸς δ᾽ ὀπίσω
πέσεν, ὅπλα τε πάντα | εἰς ἄντλον κατέχυνθ᾽" ὁ δ᾽ ἄρα πρύμνῃ ἐνὶ νηὶ | πλῆξε κυβερ-
νήτεω κεφαλήν. These verses are imitated by Apollonios Rhodios, i. 1203, 1204,
ὑψόθεν ἐμπλήξασα Ooh ἀνέμοιο κατάιξ | αὐτοῖσι σφήνεσσιν ὑπὲκ προτόνων ἐρύσηται.
The σφῆνες are probably the παραστάται which replaced the ἱστοπέδη: see note
181. Odyssey, xii. 422, 423, ἐκ δέ οἱ ἱστὸν ἄραξε ποτὶ τρόπιν" αὐτὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ | ἐπί-
τονος βέβλητο, βοὸς ῥινοῖο τετευχώς. There is no direct proof that ἐπίτονος means
back-stay ; but as πρότονος means fore-stay, there is not much room for doubt. Iliad,
i. 434, ἱστὸν δ᾽ ἱστοδόκῃ πέλασαν, προτόνοισιν ὑφέντες. Odyssey, ii. 424, 425, ἱστὸν δ᾽
εἰλάτινον κοίλης ἔντοσθε μεσόδμης | στῆσαν ἀείραντες, κατὰ δὲ προτόνοισιν ἔδησαν.
These verses are imitated by Apollonios Rhodios, i. 563, 564, δή pa τότε μέγαν
ἱστὸν ἐνεστήσαντο μεσόδμῃ, | δῆσαν δὲ προτόνοισι τανυσσάμενοι ἑκάτερθεν. In his
opinion, then, the fore-stays were made fast on either side of the bow, not right
forward. See also Lucian, amores, 6, τὸν ἱστὸν ἐκ τῶν μεσοκοίλων ἄραντες, where
μεσοκοίλων seems intended to convey the sense of κοίλης μεσόδμης, and clearly is
equivalent to κοίλης ἱστοδόκης in Apollonios Rhodios, ii. 1262—1264, αὐτίκα δ᾽ ἱστία
μὲν καὶ ἐπίκριον ἔνδοθι κοίλης ἱστοδόκης στείλαντες ἐκόσμεον" ἐν δὲ καὶ αὐτὸν | ἱστὸν.
ἄφαρ χαλάσαντο παρακλιδόν. Apparently ἔντοσθε means from within and goes
with ἀείραντες in the Odyssey, though Apollonios thinks it means within and goes”
with στῆσαν : so the μεσόδμη was probably the ἱστοδόκη under another name, or else
the hold containing the ἱστοδόκη. Thus the μεσόδμαι are contrasted with the decks
at stem and stern by Lycophron, 751, 752, αὐταῖς μεσόδμαις καὶ σὺν ἱκρίοις βαλεῖ]
πρὸς κῦμα δύπτην. The ἱστοδόκη is mentioned by Ptolemy, Almagest, viii. 1,

᾿Αργοῦς ἀστερισμός : but the measurements are too corrupt for fixing its position
accurately, though they indicate a place towards the stern.

- εξ ἢ

ON GREEK SHIPS OF EARLY DATE. SI

foot ropes, are presumably braces and sheets; while the
kalot are certainly the brailing-ropes, for Herodotos employs
this name for them in noting the perversity of the Egyptians
in putting the brailing-rings on the after side of the sail™.

The Greek ships represented in vase-paintings invariably
have one mast with one yard, and carry a square-sail; and
probably they are all intended to have the same sorts of
ropes, though these are always sketched carelessly. The
Athenian ships of about 500 B.c. in fgs. 17 to 19 have
numerous brailing-ropes; and in the merchant-ship, which
presumably was rigged on a larger scale than the war-ships,
each brailing-rope makes several loops round the sail. In
these ships, and also in the earlier Athenian ship in fg. 13,
the halyards are carried down to the waist, and thus take
the place of shrouds in supporting the mast.

177 Odyssey, v. 254, ἐν δ᾽ ἱστὸν ποίει καὶ ἐπίκριον ἄρμενον αὐτῷ, 260, ἐν δ᾽ ὑπέρας
τε κάλους τε πόδας τ᾽ ἐνέδησεν ἐν αὐτῇ. 316—318, μέσον δέ οἱ ἱστὸν ἔαξε | δεινὴ
μισγομένων ἀνέμων ἐλθοῦσα θύελλα, | τηλοῦ δὲ σπεῖρον καὶ ἐπίκριον ἔμπεσε πόντῳ.
Iliad, i. 480, 481, οἱ δ᾽ ἱστὸν στήσαντ᾽, ἀνά θ᾽ ἱστία λευκὰ πέτασσαν᾽ | ἐν δ᾽ ἄνεμος
πρῆσεν μέσον ἱστίον. Odyssey, ii. 426, 427, ἕλκον δ᾽ ἱστία λευκὰ ἐυστρέπτοισι
βοεῦσιν "| ἔμπρησεν δ᾽ ἄνεμος μέσον ἱστίον. iii. 10, 11, οἱ δ᾽ ἰθὺς κατάγοντο, ἰδ᾽ ἱστία
νηὸς ἐΐσης | στεῖλαν ἀείραντες, τὴν δ᾽ ὥρμισαν, ἐκ δ᾽ ἔβαν αὐτοί. xii. 170, 171,
ἀνστάντες δ᾽ ἕταροι νεὸς ἱστία μηρύσαντο, | καὶ τὰ μὲν ἐν νηὶ γλαφυρῇ θέσαν, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπ᾽
ἐρετμά, κιτιλ. These last verses shew that there were halyards for hoisting sail ;
and also brailing-ropes of some sort, as the crew took in the sail by pulling it up,
στεῖλαν ἀείραντες, μηρύσαντο. For the latter term, see Sophocles, Fr. 699, apud
Athenzum, iii. 55, ναῦται δὲ μηρύσαντο νηὸς ἰσχάδα, and Oppian, de venatione,
i. 50, ἰχθὺν ἀσπαίροντα βυθῶν ἀπομηρύσασθαι. The meaning was apparently to
coil up cords or cables, and so haul up things attached to them.

178 Herodotos, ii. 36, τῶν ἱστίων τοὺς κρίκους καὶ κάλους of μὲν ἄλλοι ἔξωθεν
προσδέουσι, Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ ἔσωθεν. The brailing-ropes, and the rings to keep them
in their place, may be seen upon the fore side of the sail on the Roman ship in
fg. 29: and these clearly are the ropes and rings intended by Herodotos. More-
over, the word κάλος or κάλως occurs in various phrases where it can hardly refer
to any ropes but these. Plato, Protagoras, p. 338, μήτ᾽ αὖ Πρωταγόραν (συμβου-
λεύω) πάντα κάλων ἐκτείναντα, οὐρίᾳ ἐφέντα, φεύγειν els τὸ πέλαγος τῶν λόγων, cf.
Sisyphos, p. 389, τὸ λεγόμενόν γε, πάντα κάλον ἐφέντες. Aristophanes, equites, 756,
νῦν δή σε πάντα δεῖ κάλων ἐξιέναι σεαυτοῦ. Euripides, Medea, 278, ἐχθροὶ yap
ἐξιᾶσι πάντα δὴ κάλων, Troades, 94, ὅταν στράτευμ᾽ ᾿Αργεῖον ἐξίῃ κάλως. Τὸ let out
the brailing-ropes was to let out the sail; and to let these ropes out altogether was
to let the sail out to the full, and hence by metaphor, to make every effort.
Oppian, de piscatione, ii. 223, γαστρὶ δὲ πάντας ἐπιτρωπῶσι κάλωας, where he
alludes to gluttons; while now-a-days a sail is said to belly.

T. SI

82 THE VARIOUS STYLES OF RIGGING

The inventories of the Athenian dockyards shew that in
330 B.C. the rigging for the war-ships of three and four banks _
consisted of the Azstos or mast, the eraiai or yard, the Aistion —
or sail, and the /opeza or ropes; and that in four-banked ships ἷ
the ¢opeia consisted of eighteen loops οἵ kalodia, two himantes, —
a double agkoina, two podes, two hyperai, and a chalinos™. —
The distinction between these six sorts of ropes is not indi-
cated by the inscriptions; nor can it safely be inferred from _
the language of ancient authors, since technical terms were ᾿
often used very loosely: the term Ζοῤῥΐα, for example, which —

here denotes the ropes collectively, being popularly employed —

4

to denote the halyards alone. But probably there were —

A

179 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. c, Il. 66—102, no. 808, col. ἃ, Il. 4
119-151, no. 809, col. 6, ll. 75—110, no. 811, col. c, Il. 11—32. These are τε

|
i.

lists of the entire gear (ἐντελῇ σκεύη) supplied to ships of three and four banks in
330/329 B.C. and following years; and the only items of rigging included therein
are ἱστός, κεραῖαι, ἱστίον, τοπεῖα. In no. 809 the word τοπεῖα is missing: but line —
106 of col. e may be restored as κατάβλημ[α, τοπεῖ]α to match line 30 of col. c in —
no. 811. The suggested restoration καταβλήμ[ζατἼ]α seems too short. For romeia —
see no. 807, col. a, ll. 141—146, 153, 159—163, 178—183, no. 808, col. Ὁ, ll. "
189—193, no. 809, col. Ὁ, ll. 222—227, τοπεῖα τετρήρων, or τοπεῖα ἐπὶ τετρήρεις, —

ἑκάστης καλῳδίων μηρύματα AT |||, ἱμάντες ll, ἄγκοινα διπλῆ, πόδες ll, ὑπέραι ll, ; ᾿
χαλινὸς |. See also no. 807, col. a, ll. 62—64, 73—75, no. 808, col. b, ll. 110, IIT,” ἢ
I15—118, no. 809, col. b, ll. 145—147, 150—152, τοπεῖα ἐπὶ ναῦς HHP AAI, »
πλὴν μηρυμάτων καλῳδίων |||, which shews that there were μηρύματα καλῳδίων —

among the τοπεῖα for three-banked ships, but unfortunately gives no further —
information. The κάλοι or κάλως had probably been replaced by these καλῴδια of |
smaller size, when the brailing-ropes began to be looped round the sail instead of
merely passing down the front; and the loops might well be termed μηρύματα. Τῇ
so, there were not eighteen separate brailing-ropes, but six with three loops each, —
or nine with two loops. ;

180 Strattis, Macedones, Fr. 1, τὸν πέπλον δὲ τοῦτον | ἕλκουσιν ὀνεύοντες Tomelous
ἄνδρες ἀναρίθμητοι | els ἄκρον, ὥσπερ ἱστίον, τὸν ἱστόν. Archippos, asini umbra,
Fr. 1, τροχιλίαισι ταῦτα καὶ τοπείοις ἱστᾶσιν οὐκ ἄνευ πόνου. Both quoted by —
Harpocration, s.v. τοπεῖον. The plays were produced at Athens about 400 B.C.: ~
so this popular usage of the term τοπεῖα was concurrent with the technical usage.

>
vu

7)

Assuming that the καλῴδια and πόδες and ὑπέραι were brailing-ropes and sheets
and braces, the ἱμάντες and ἄγκοινα and χαλινός would naturally be halyards and
fore-stay and back-stay. The halyards are termed ἱμάντες by Apollonios Rhodios, r
iv. 889, 890, ὕψι δὲ λαῖφος | εἴρυσσαν τανύσαντες ἐν ἱμάντεσσι κεραίης, this ravicavres
ἐν representing ἐντανύσαντες. cf. Heliodoros, Aithiopica, v. 27, τὰ ἱστία ἀνιμώντων.
The ἄγκοινα or anguina is mentioned by Cinna, apud Isidorum, xix. 4. 7, afgue

ADOPTED IN THE ATHENIAN NAVY. 83

eighteen loops of brailing-ropes—six ropes with three loops
each, two halyards, a double fore-stay, two sheets, two braces,
and a back-stay®. The inventories also shew that the
three-banked ships were rigged differently some years before.
There were then the Azstos megas and the keraiai megalai or
large-mast and large-yard, and the Aistos akateios and the
keraiai akatetot or boat-mast and boat-yard: there were also
two timber parastatai, which probably were a pair of posts ar-
ranged as bitt-heads to support the foot of a mast that could
easily be raised and lowered: and although four of the six
sorts of ropes were the same, there were then £a/oz instead of
loops of kalodia and the agkoina was not double™. But whilst

anquina regat stabilem fortissima cursum, and by Lucilius, apud Nonium, p. 536,
funis enim precisu’ cito adgue anguina soluta. But here anguina should be read
ancyra, the line meaning that the shore-cable was cut, and the anchor weighed : see
note 166 on p. 73 for similar passages. Cinna’s expression anguina fortissima might
well denote the fore-stay, as that came to be the principal rope in the rigging :
see note 202 on p. 94. The term χαλινός would thus remain for the back-stay,
and seems suitable enough.

181 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 795, col. ἃ, Il. 31—42, κεφάλαιον παραστατῶν
ἐπὶ ναῦς [ lll, κεφάλαιον ἱστῶν μεγάλων AA [...], κεφάλαιον κεραιῶν μεγάλων ἐπὶ

ναῦς AAT, κεφάλαιον ἱστῶν [ἀκα]τείων Ml, κεφάλαιον [κερ]αι[ῷ]ν ἀκατείων ἐπὶ
ναῦς [...]. This forms part of ἃ list of the gear for the three-banked ships in one
division of the fleet in or about 352 B.c. Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 794, col.
b, 11. r—10=no. 793, col. a, ll. 38—52, παραστατῶν ἀριθμὸς HHHHP MII!" oboe

γίγνονται ἐπὶ ναῦς HHAAIIII, [ἱστῶν μεγ]άλων ἀριθμ[ὸς ἐπὶ να]ῦς [..] AAAD,
[κερ]αιῶ[ν] μεγά(λων) ἀριθμὸς ΗΗΗΗΡῚ ΔΙ} ᾿ αὗται γίγνονται ἐπὶ ναῦς ΠΗ Δ ΔΔΙ,
[ἱστῶ]ν ἀκατείων ἀριθμὸς [ἐπὶ vais... ] AAAAI|, [κεραιῶ]ν dxarel (wr) ἀριθμὸς HF" ]
ADI? αὗται γίγνον[ται] ἐπὶ vats AAAI [καὶ μία] κεραία. no. 794, col. b, 1].
15—2t=no. 793, col. a, Il. 61—65, [Πστίων ἀριθμὸς [ἐπ] ναῦς FAAAANM I,
[τοπεί]ων ἀριθμὸς ἐπὶ ναῦς [ἐντ]ελῆ PAAAM II! [καὶ] ἱμάντες [], πόδες |], ὑπέραι

Ill, ἄγκοινα |, [χ]αλινὸς |, κάλως [||]. This forms part of a list of the gear for all
the three-banked ships in the fleet in or about 356 B.c. Such lists, however, can
only shew that masts of two kinds and yards of two kinds were in use concurrently.
—not that there was a mast and yard of each kind on every three-banked ship;
for obviously these ships might not all be rigged alike, but some with a large mast
and yard, and some with an akatian. But various entries in the inventories shew
incidentally that the ships carried a mast and yard of each kind. Corp. Inscr.
Attic. vol. ii, no. 791, 1. 92, lor wey and ior ἀκ wanted for the Δελφινία, no. 794,

eo

84 THE VARIOUS STYLES OF RIGGING

there were two kinds of masts and yards, there certainly was
only one kind of rope of each sort and only one kind of sail:

and the inscriptions give no hint that there was ever more ~

than one set of ropes and one sail for a ship. Xenophon,
however, mentions the two kinds of sails, megala and akateza,
in speaking of Athenian three-banked ships in 373 B.c.: and
both kinds might have continued in use for about sixteen
years longer without appearing in the extant fragments of
the inventories™. Still, the fact remains that the second
mast and yard and the farastatai were retained in the
Athenian navy for some years after the second sail and the
second set of ropes had been discarded: and this is a curious

col. a, ll. 18—20, 27—29, Κερ mey and tor ἀκ ready for the Εὐπρεπής, col. ἃ, 1]. 3
66—68, ior μεΎ, κερ wey, ἱστ ἀκ, κερ ἀκ, all lost by the Ταχεῖα, no. 798, col. b, Il.

16, 17; 26, lor wey, kep wey and lor ἀκ now on board the Meyiory, ll. 31, 32, ior

hey and ior ἀκ now on board the ZPevddvn, no. 800, col. b, Il. 57, 58, ior wey and
ior ἀκ now on board the ᾿Ηγεμονία, no. 801, col. b, ll. 19, 20, kep wey and κερ dx
now on board the Μακαρία, no. 803, col. Ὁ, ll. §3—55, ior wey, kep mey and lor dx

lost by the Τρυφῶσα, col. ὃ, ll. 62—64, ior wey, ior ἀκ and κερ ἀκ lost by the Awpls,

ll. 87—-90, lor wey, κερ mey, lor ἀκ, κερ ἀκ all lost by the ὑγίεια: and so forth. There is
clearly an error in the second of the lists above, where 454 παραστάται are allotted —

to 224 ships: the mason has put |||| for [|| by repetition, the ships really number-
ing 227, each with two παραστάται. By some chance the Νίκη and the "EXevdepla

once had three παραστάται on board, according to the entries in the inventories, _
no. 789, col. b, 1. 3, no. 793, col. c, 1. 22. But no other ships are credited with ~

more than two; and the entries here may possibly be wrong. The παραστάται
were certainly of timber, for in the inventories they are reckoned among the σκεύη
ξύλινα: and as they were discarded simultaneously with the masts and yards ~
described as μεγάλοι and ἀκάτειοι, they probably had some connexion with one or _

other of those masts or yards. Their name indicates that they were a pair of

supports for something standing between them; and such supports could not well —
be attached to a yard, or to any part of a mast except its foot. Most likely they —
were a pair of posts, to serve as bitt-heads, with the foot of a mast fixed on a pivot ;
between them in such a way that this mast could easily be raised or lowered; for
the Athenian three-banked ships then had masts of that description. Xenophon,
Hellenica, vi. 2. 29, φυλακάς γε μήν, Tas μὲν ἐν τῇ γῇ (ὥσπερ προσήκει) καθίστη, ἐν 5&
ταῖς ναυσὶν αἱρόμενος αὖ τοὺς ἱστοὺς ἀπὸ τούτων ἐσκοπεῖτο. It is clear that there was _
only one ἱστίον and one set of τοπεῖα for each ship, since the phrase is ἐπὶ ναῦς π΄
the second of the lists above, where the phrase would have been ταῦτα γίγνεται ἐπὶ

ναῦς, had there been more thanone. Unless there was more than one dyxowaina
set of τοπεῖα, there must haye been more than eight κάλως, for otherwise these
τοπεῖα would have sufficed for ninety ships with one ὑπέρα to spare. But possibly

there were two ἀγκοῖναι in place of the ἄγκοινα διπλῇ of later date.

ADOPTED IN’ THE ATHENIAN NAVY. 85

fact. The extant fragments of the inventories do not mention
thirty-oared war-ships until 330 B.c.: and then mention them
so seldom that there are no parallel passages for correcting
errors and omissions. But apparently these ships had a mast
that could be raised and lowered; a pair of parastatai to
support its foot; a yard formed of two spars; a sail; and
the same six sorts of ropes, except that there were kalodia
and not sa/oz, and that the agkoina was not double™. The
inventories shew clearly that all ships of the same rate in
the Athenian navy were rigged in exactly the same way ;
and that their masts, yards, sails, etc., were interchangeable.

182 Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 27, ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιφικράτης ἐπεὶ ἤρξατο τοῦ περίπλου,
ἅμα μὲν ἔπλει, ἅμα δὲ πάντα ὅσα εἰς ναυμαχίαν παρεσκευάζετο" εὐθὺς μὲν γὰρ τὰ
μεγάλα ἱστία αὐτοῦ κατέλιπεν, ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν πλέων καὶ τοῖς ἀκατείοις δέ, καὶ εἰ
εὔφορον πνεῦμα εἴη, ὀλίγα ἐχρῆτο" τῇ δὲ κώπῃ τὸν πλοῦν ποιούμενος ἄμεινόν τε τὰ
σώματα ἔχειν τοὺς ἄνδρας καὶ ἄμεινον τὰς ναῦς πλεῖν ἐποίει. This was in the spring
of 373 B.C. The earliest. fragments of the inventories in the Corp. Inscr. Attic.
are no. 789, assigned to 373/2, and no. 789. Ὁ (appendix), assigned to 374/3:
but there are no entries about sails until nos. 793 and 794, which are quoted in the
last note. The large sails are mentioned again by Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 1. 13,
᾿Αλκιβιάδης δέ, εἰπὼν καὶ τούτοις διώκειν αὐτὸν ἐξελομένοις τὰ μεγάλα ἱστία, αὐτὸς
ἔπλευσεν εἰς Πάριον, cf. 12, ἀνάγεσθαι ἤδη αὐτοῦ μέλλοντος ὡς ἐπὶ ναυμαχίαν. ii. τ.
29, Κόνων δέ, κατασχὼν ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Αβαρνίδα τὴν Λαμψάκου ἄκραν, ἔλαβεν αὐτόθεν τὰ
μεγάλα τῶν Λυσάνδρου νεῶν ἱστία. These events were in 410 and 405 B.C.
See also Epicrates, apud Athenzeum, xi. 23, κατάβαλλε τἀκάτεια, καὶ κυλίκια | αἴρου
τὰ μείζω. This dates from about 375 B.c. There is an allusion here to hoisting
and lowering the large sails and the akatians, and also an allusion to taking up and
putting down the drinking-cups known as κυλίκια and ἀκάτεια. The κυλίκια were
shaped like saucers, and could therefore be compared to a sail swelling out before
the wind. _

183 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 812, col. a, ll. 6—11, τριακοντόρου Ξενοκλῆς
Δεκελ(εεὺς) σκεύη ἔχει ξύλινα" ταῤῥόμ, πηδάλια, κλιμακίδας, κοντούς, ἱστούς, κεραίας,
παραστάτας δύο ἀπὸ τῆς Νίκης, Χαιρεστράτου ἔργον. This thirty-oared Νίκη is
not to be confounded with the three-banked Νίκη mentioned in note 181 on p. 84.
The mason has probably put ἱστούς for ἱστόν by mistake: he would easily be misled
by the neighbouring plurals, and especially by κοντούς just before. A little thirty-
oared ship was not very likely to be carrying two masts at a time when large ships
of three and four banks were carrying only one ; nor was any ship likely to carry
two masts of the same kind—the masts would naturally differ in size and bear
different names. The δύο after παραστάτας appears to be redundant. Corp.
Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 809, col. a, ll. 115, 116, καὶ ἱστίον τρι[ακοντ]όρου

ἐποησάμε[ θα], no. 807, col. c, ll. 42—45, καὶ τριακοντέρου, καλῴδια ἀδόκιμα AAAA,

πόδες Il, ὑπέρα |, ἄγκοινα, ἱμάντες ||.

86 THE MAST NAMED AKATEION.

At the time when akatian masts and sails were carried
onthe three-banked war-ships, the large sails used to be
sent ashore whenever the ships were cleared for action™.
Battles being fought without regard to wind, no ship could
ever hoist a sail until she had abandoned all attempts at
fighting and was trying to get away; and as the large sail
had been sent ashore beforehand, she had then to hoist the
akatian: so that ‘hoisting the akatian’ became a proverbial
expression for running away. This expression occurs in a
play by Aristophanes that was produced in 411 B.C.: and a
century afterwards it was adopted by Epicuros in a saying
that is quoted by Plutarch and parodied by Lucian™. The
classic name akateion is also applied by Lucian to one of the
sails on the merchant-ships,of his own times: but apparently _
the name does not occur again in ancient literature®*. Most
probably, therefore, these masts and sails went out of use
soon after they were discarded in the Athenian navy.

--

184 Xenophon, Hellenica, i, 1. 13, ii. 1.. 29, vi. 2. 27, already quoted in note 182.
Thucydides also alludes to this practice of sending the large sails ashore before

going into action, though he does not give these sails their name: vii. 24, καὶ
χρήματα πολλὰ τὰ ξύμπαντα ἑάλω" ἅτε γὰρ ταμιείῳ χρωμένων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τοῖς
τείχεσι πολλὰ μὲν ἐμπόρων χρήματα καὶ σῖτος ἐνῆν, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τριηράρχων, ἐπεὶ καὶ

ἱστία τεσσαράκοντα τριήρων καὶ τἄλλα σκεύη ἐγκατελήφθη, Viii. 43, οἱ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι
ταῖς ἐκ τῆς Σάμου ναυσὶ πάσαις, ὡς ἤσθοντο τὰ τῆς ναυμαχίας, πλεύσαντες ἐς τὴν
Σύμην.. «λαβόντες δὲ τὰ ἐν τῇ Σύμῃ σκεύη τῶν νεῶν, ἀπέπλευσαν ἐς τὴν Σάμον.

These events were in 413 and 411 B.C. Μὰ

185 Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 61—64, A. οὐδ᾽ ds προσεδόκων κἀλογιζόμην
ἐγὼ | πρώτας παρέσεσθαι δεῦρο τὰς ᾿Αχαρνέων | γυναῖκας, οὐχ ἥκουσιν. K. ἡ γοῦν
Θεογένους, | ὡς δεῦρ᾽ ἰοῦσα, τἀκάτειον ἤρετο. Plutarch, de audiendis poetis, 1,
πότερον οὖν τῶν νέων, ὥσπερ τῶν ᾿Ιθακησίων, κηρῷ τινι τὰ ὦτα καὶ ἀτέγκτῳ κηρῷῃῳ
καταπλάσσοντες ἀναγκάζωμεν αὐτούς, τὸ ᾿Επικούρειον ἀκάτειον ἀραμένους, ποιητικὴν ὦ '

φεύγειν καὶ παρεξελαύνειν ; non posse suaviter vivi secundum Epicurum, 12...
érapauévous τὰ ἀκάτεια φεύγειν dm αὐτῶν κελεύουσι, sc. of ᾿Επικούρειοι. Lucian, Ὁ
quomodo historia conscribenda sit, 45, δεήσει γὰρ τότε ποιητικοῦ τινος ἀνέμου

ἐπουριάσοντος τὰ ἀκάτεια καὶ συνδιοίσοντος ὑψηλὴν καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἄκρων τῶν κυμάτων τὴν
ναῦν. Υ -+
186 Tucian, Lexiphanes, 15, ἀλλὰ od τὸ ὅμοιον εἰργάσω με ὥσπερ εἴ τις ὁλκάδα

τριάρμενον ἐν οὐρίῳ πλέουσαν, ἐμπεπνευματωμένου τοῦ ἀκατείου, εὐφοροῦσάν τε καὶ Ι

ἀκροκυματοῦσαν, ἕκτοράς τινας ἀμφιστόμους καὶ ἰσχάδας σιδηρᾶς ἀφεὶς καὶ vavowrédas, Ὁ
ἀναχαιτίζοι τοῦ δρόμου τὸ ῥόθιον φθόνῳ τῆς εὐηνεμίας. cf. Jupiter tragoedus, 46,

οὔκουν ἔφερε μὲν ὑμᾶς τότε ἄνεμος ἐμπίπτων τῇ ὀθόνῃ καὶ ἐμπιπλὰς τὰ ἀκάτεια, ἢ οἱ

ἐρέττοντες, ἐκυβέρνα δὲ εἷς τις ἐφεστὼς καὶ ἔσωζε τὴν ναῦν ;

THE MAST NAMED DOLON. 87

A mast termed dolon, with a sail of the same name,
subsequently served for manceuvering before an action and
for escaping after a defeat. According to Polybios, the
Rhodian war-ships used dolons in an action in 201 B.C.:
and he had read the admiral’s despatch at Rhodes. And
according to Livy, the Syrian and Roman war-ships also
used them in actions in 191 and 100 B.c.: and he is here
following the lost narrative by Polybios, who probably got
his information about these actions from the Rhodian
despatches’. Diodoros says that the Carthaginian war-ships
used them in an action in 307 B.C.: but perhaps he is mis-
quoting his authorities, for at that date the ships might have
used akatians®®. The dolons are mentioned again by Proco-
pios in speaking of Byzantine war-ships in 533 A.D.; and he
describes them as the little sails and distinguishes them
from the large sails. The name must have been obsolete
for centuries, and then resuscitated as a classic term for the
smaller sort of mast or sail’.

187 Polybios, xvi. 15, ἐν τῇ περὶ Λάδην ναυμαχίᾳ δύο μὲν αὐτάνδρους πεντήρεις
τῶν Ῥοδίων ὑποχειρίους γενέσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις" ἐκ δὲ τοῦ κινδύνου μιᾶς νηὸς ἐπαρα-
μένης τὸν δόλωνα διὰ τὸ τετρωμένην αὐτὴν θαλαττοῦσθαι" πολλοὺς καὶ τῶν ἐγγὺς τὸ
παραπλήσιον ποιοῦντας ἀποχωρεῖν πρὸς τὸ πέλαγος" τέλος δὲ μετ᾽ ὀλίγων καταλειφθέντα
τὸν ναύαρχον ἀναγκασθῆναι ταὐτὸ τοῖς προειρημένοις πράττειν....... τῆς ἐπιστολῆς ἔτι
μενούσης ἐν τῷ πρυτανείῳ, τῆς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τοὺς καιροὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ ναυάρχου πεμφθείσης
περὶ τούτων τῇ τε βουλῇ καὶ τοῖς πρυτάνεσιν. Livy, xxxvi. 44, guod ubi vidit
Romanus, vela contrahit malosque inclinat, et, simul armamenta componens,

\ opperitur insequentes naves. iam ferme triginta in fronte erant ; quibus ut equaret

levum cornu, dolonibus erectis altum petere intendit. 45, neque ita multo post
primum ab lavo cornu fuga cepit. Polyxenidas enim ut virtute militum haud
dubie se superari vidit, sublatis dolonibus effuse fugere intendit. xxxvii. 30, ceterum
postquam alias circumventas, pretoriam navem Polyxenide relictis socits vela dantem
videre, sublatis raptim dolonibus, Ephesum petunt fuga.

188 Diodoros, xx. 61, ὁ δὲ τῶν Καρχηδονίων στρατηγός, ἁλισκομένης ἤδη τῆς
ναυαρχίδος, ἀπέσφαξεν ἑαυτόν, προκρίνας τὸν θάνατον τῆς προσδοκηθείσης αἰχμαλωσίας.
οὐ μὴν ἐφάνη γε εὖ βεβουλευμένος " ἡ γὰρ ναῦς φοροῦ πνεύματος ἐπιλαβομένη, τοῦ
δόλωνος ἀρθέντος, ἐξέφυγε τὸν κίνδυνον.

189 Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 17, τοῖς δὲ ναύταις ἐπήγγελλε παρακο-
λουθεῖν τε ἀεὶ καὶ τοῦ στρατεύματος μὴ πολὺ διεστάναι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιφόρου μὲν γινομένου
τοῦ πνεύματος χαλάσαντας τὰ μεγάλα ἱστία τοῖς μικροῖς, ἃ δὴ δόλωνας καλοῦσιν,
ἕπεσθαι" λωφήσαντος δὲ παντελῶς τοῦ ἀνέμου βιάζεσθαι ὅσον οἷοί τε ὦσιν ἐρέσσοντας.
This is clearly an adaptation of the passage in Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 27,
already quoted in note 182 on p. 85.

88 THE MAST NAMED ARTEMON.

A mast and sail termed artemon are mentioned by Lucilius

a little before 100 B.c., and then by Labeo and the elder

Seneca, who treat them as subordinate to the ordinary mast
and sail’.
in the Acts of the Apostles and also by Paulinus of Nola
about 400 A.D.; while a subordinate sail is noticed by
Juvenal and afterwards by Synesios, a contemporary of
Paulinus™. These statements may all refer to merchant-
ships: but a small sail is mentioned by Appian in narrating
how some Roman war-ships got away after a defeat off Myle
in 36 Be though unfortunately he does not Bite the sail ἃ
name”

Thus a second mast of some sort, artemon or dolon or
akatian, was generally in use from 411 B.C. to 533 A.D. and ©
perhaps before and after: but there is not anything to shew ~

what difference there was between the akatian and the dolon,
or the dolon and the artemon.

199 Lucilius, apud Charisium, p. 99, Avabus artemo. Lucilius died about 100 —
B.c. The Pandects, l. 16. 242, malum navis esse partem, artemonem autem non
essé, Labeo ait: guia plereque naves sine malo inutiles essent, tdeogue pars navis —
habetur ; artemo autem magis adiectamento quam pars navis est. Seneca, contro-

versize, vil. 1. 2, ubi spes? in gubernaculo? nulla est. in remigio? ne in hoc
quidem est. in comite? nemo repertus est naufragt comes. in velo? in artemone?
omnia pene instrumenta circumscisa sunt: adminiculum spei nullum est. There

is an emendation here, artemone for arte ; and if that is right, Seneca distinguishes -.
the ordinary sail (ve/um) from a sail termed artemo, just as Labeo distinguishes the ~

ordinary mast (#alus) from a mast termed artemo. Labeo and Seneca were both
living at Rome in the reign of Augustus.
191 Acts, xxvii. 40, ἐπάραντες Tov ἀρτέμωνα τῇ πνεούσῃ, κατεῖχον els τὸν atycaNbes

Paulinus Nolanus, epistolz, 49. 2, malus ita prosilivit a vulnere, ut longe extra ὦ
navem in undas expulsus tuto ceciderit. deinde, cum aut artemone armari oporte-—
bat, aut sentinam depleri, etc. Juvenal, xii. 67—69, inopi miserabilis arte cucurrit|
vestibus extentis, et, guod superaverat unum, | velo prora suo. cf. 53—55, tune,

adversis urguentibus, illuc | recidit, ut malum ferro submitteret, ac se | explicat
angustum. Synesios, epistole, p. 163 ἢ, ὑπαλλάττειν μὲν οὖν ἱστίον ἕτερον νόθον

οὐκ εἴχομεν, ἠνεχυρίαστο γάρ' ἀνελαμβάνομεν δὲ αὐτὸ καθάπερ τῶν χιτώνων τοὺς

In later times the artemon is mentioned by name —

{

κόλπους. This can only mean that they reduced the size of the ordinary sail until —

it would fit a smaller mast and yard. For χιτώνων κόλπους, cf. Herodotos, vi. —
125. 2, 3; Polybios, iii. 33. 2; A®schylos, septem adversus Thebas, 1039. Pauls ᾿

nus died in 431 A.D., and Syussen a year or two before.

192 Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 111, ἁλισκομένων δὲ καὶ πιμπραμένων τῶν ὦ

Καίσαρος νεῶν, αἱ μὲν ἀράμεναι τὰ βραχέα τῶν 6 Se ἀπέπλεον els τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν, τῶν
παραγγελμάτων καταφρονοῦσαι κ.τ.λ.

SHIPS WITH THREE MASTS. 89

The artemon must have been something between a fore-
mast and a bowsprit with a spritsail on a spritsail-yard; for
that is what is represented on the coins of 67 and 186 and
305 A.D. in fgs. 27 and 28 and 34, and in the reliefs and
paintings of corresponding date in fgs. 26, 29, 31, 33, 35, 37
and 40. On the Roman war-ship of about 50 A.D. in fg. 35
there is not any mast beside the artemon; but the ship is
here in action, and obviously the ordinary mast and sail have
been taken down or sent ashore beforehand. The rule was
still to send the ordinary sail ashore when a ship was cleared
for action; and the ordinary mast must always have been
lowered in a battle, for otherwise it would have snapped
under the shock of ramming™.

A third mast had come into use by about 50 A.D.; and
this was presumably a mizen™. Perhaps a few of the largest
merchant-ships were fitted with this mast; but normally
there were only two.

193 Plutarch, Antonius, 64, καὶ τοὺς κυβερνήτας τὰ ἱστία βουλομένους ἀπολιπεῖν
ἠνάγκασεν (᾿Αντώνιος) ἐμβαλέσθαι καὶ κομίζειν. 66, ἀκρίτου δὲ καὶ κοινῆς ἔτι τῆς
ναυμαχίας συνεστώσης, αἰφνίδιον αἱ Κλεοπάτρας ἑξήκοντα νῆες ὠὥφθησαν αἰἱρόμεναι
πρὸς ἀπόπλουν τὰ ἱστία καὶ διὰ μέσου φεύγουσαι τῶν μαχομένων. Dion Cassius,
1,.33,) τοὺς yap φεύγοντας, ἅτε καὶ ἄνευ ἱστίων ὄντες καὶ πρὸς τὴν ναυμαχίαν μόνην
παρεσκευασμένοι, οὐκ ἐπεδίωξαν. These passages refer to the battle of Actium in
31 B.C.; and certainly imply that it then was customary to send the ordinary
sail ashore on clearing-for action. See also Livy, xxvi. 39, velis tum forte, impro-
vidus futuri certaminis, Romanus veniebat, and Vegetius, iv. 43, navalis pugna
tranquillo committitur mari, liburnarumque moles non ventorum flatibus sed
remorum pulsu adversarios percutit rostris, For the lowering of the masts, see
Polybios, i. 61, of δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι, κατιδόντες τὸν διάπλουν αὐτῶν προκατέχοντας τοὺς
Ῥωμαίους, καθελόμενοι τοὺς ἱστούς, κιτ.λ., and Livy, xxxvi. 44, guod ubi vidit
Romanus, vela contrahit malosque inclinat.

194 Athenzos, v. 43, τριῶν τε ἱστῶν ὑπαρχόντων,...τῶν δὲ ἱστῶν ὁ μὲν δεύτερος
καὶ τρίτος εὑρέθησαν" δυσχερῶς δὲ ὁ πρῶτος ἐν τοῖς ὄρεσι τῆς Βρεττίας εὑρέθη ὑπὸ
συβώτου ἀνδρός. Pliny, xix. 1, tam vero nec vela satis esse maiora navigiis. sed
cum vix amplitudini antennarum singule arbores sufficiant, super eas tamen addi
velorum alia vela, preterque alia in proris et alia in puppibus pandi. Pliny speaks
as though a three-masted ship were a thing of recent date; and Athenzos may
really be describing a ship of Caligula’s time or afterwards, though professing to
describe a ship belonging to Hieron: see pp. 27—29. There is possibly an
allusion to the three masts of a ship in the Corinthian jest recorded by Strabo, viii.
6. 20. As many as fifty masts and sails were carried on the biggest timber-
rafts : see Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 8. 2, quoted in the note on rates
on p. 122.

gO THE SUPPARUM, OR TOPSAIL.

A topsail had ae come into use by about 50 A.D. as part
of the ordinary rig’. The ancients always knew that they
improved the pace δὲ a ship by carrying sail as high as
possible, though apparently they did not understand the
cause of this; but hitherto they had gained their object by
hoisting up the yard™. Now they introduced a sail that was
triangular in form, and spread it with its base along the yard
and its apex at the top of the mast, as depicted on the
Roman ship of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29, and less distinctly on
those in fgs. 27, 32, and 39. The topsail being of this shape,
no topsail-yard was needed; nor can such a yard be detected
in the manuscript of about 500 A.D. in fg. 38, for obviously
the scribe has combined the masts and yards belonging to
both lines of ships in a convenient group above the upper —
line, simply to avoid confusion. |

ee ae —

195 Seneca, epistole, 77, subito nobis hodie Alexandrine naves apparuerunt,
que premitti solent et nuntiare secuture classis adventum: tabellarias vocant,
gratus illarum Campania aspectus est. omnis in pilis Puteolorum turba consistit
et ex ipso genere velorum Alexandrinas quamvis in magna turba navium intellegit. — ἂν
solis enim licet supparum intendere, quod in alto omnes habent naves. (nulla enim Ὁ
ves aque adiuvat cursum quam summa pars veli: illinc maxime navis urgetur. Ὁ
itague quotiens ventus increbruit matiorque est quam expedit, antenna submittitur:
minus habet virium flatus ex humili.) cum intravere Capreas et promontorium ex 5
quo ‘alta procelloso speculatur vertice Pallas,” cetere velo iubentur esse contente >
supparum Alexandrinarum insigne est. cf. Seneca, Medea, 323—328, munc Ὁ
antennas medio tutas | ponere malo ; nunc in summo | religare loco, cum tam totos|
avidus nimium navita flatus | optat, et alto rubicunda tremunt | suppara velo.
Lucan, v. 428, 429, summague pandens | suppara velorum perituras colligit auras.
Statius, silvze, iii. 2. 27, summis annectite suppara velis. The top-sail is noticed
by Pliny in the passage quoted in the last note, but he omits the name. Ap:
parently supparum becomes σίφαρος in Greek. Epictetos, dissertationes, iii. 2. 18,
βυθιζομένου δὲ τοῦ πλοίου, σύ μοι παρελθὼν ἐπαίρεις τοὺς oipdpovs. But possibly —
σιφάρους is here a corruption of σειραφόρους, the regular equivalent of supparum —
being παράσειρον. Lucian, navigium, 5, ὁ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλος κόσμος, ai γραφαὶ καὶ ToD
ἱστίου τὸ παράσειρον πυραυγές, κιτιλ. Athenzeos, v. 39, ὁ δὲ ἱστὸς ἦν αὐτῆς ἑβδομή- —
κοντὰ πηχῶν, βύσσινον ἔχων ἱστίον, ἁλουργεῖ παρασείρῳ κεκοσμημένον. This last
passage refers to a vessel built by Ptolemy Philopator for his voyages on the Nile: —
but Athenzos is quoting from Callixenos, and he must be committing the ana-_
chronism of giving this vessel a type of sail that was not introduced until about two +
hundred years afterwards. The term παράσειρον can only denote a top-sail or a
studding-sail ; and there is not any trace of the use of studding-sails in ancient
times. By their description of these παράσειρα as πυραυγές and adoupyés, Lucian
and Athenzos confirm Seneca’s description of the suppara as rubicunda.

mn

FULL-RIGGED SAILING-SHIPS. gI

Thus a full-rigged ship must now have had a main mast
with a yard that carried a square sail below and a triangular
sail above, a fore-mast or bowsprit with a yard and square
sail only, and also a mizen with perhaps a similar yard
and sail. The rigging had been developed to this point by
about 50 A.D. at latest; but after that there was not any
further progress, and the additional masts and sails were
gradually discarded. Thus, while two masts and sails were
carried on the Byzantine war-ships that made the attack on
Carthage in 533 A.D., only one was carried on those that
were equipped for the attack on Crete in 949 A.D. So the
arrangement of the rigging as well as the arrangement of the

oars had now reverted to the style in vogue among the Greeks

some sixteen centuries before’.

196. Aristotle, mechanica, 7, διὰ τί, dow dv ἡ κεραία ἀνωτέρα ἧ, θᾶττον πλεῖ τὰ
πλοῖα τῷ αὐτῷ ἱστίῳ καὶ τῷ αὐτῷ πνεύματι; ἢ διότι γίνεταὶ ὁ μὲν ἱστὸς μοχλός, ὑπομό-
χλιον δὲ τὸ ἑδώλιον ἐν ᾧ ἐμπέπηγεν, ὃ δὲ δεῖ κινεῖν βάρος τὸ πλοῖον, τὸ δὲ κινοῦν τὸ ἐν
τῷ ἱστίῳ πνεῦμα; εἰ δ᾽ ὅσῳ ἂν ποῤῥώτερον ἣ τὸ ὑπομόχλιον, ῥᾷον κινεῖ καὶ θᾶττον
ἡ αὐτὴ δύναμις τὸ αὐτὸ βάρος, ἡ οὖν κεραία ἀνώτερον ἀγομένη καὶ τὸ ἱστίον ποῤῥώτερον
ποιεῖ τοῦ ἑδωλίου ὑπομοχλίου ὄντος. This is copied by Vitruvius, x. 3. 5, ήδη vela
cum sunt per altitudinem mediam mali pendentia, non potest habere navis celerem
cursum: cum autem in summo cacumine antenne subducte sunt, tunc vehementiori
progreditur impetu, quod non proxime calcem mali—quod est loco centri—sed in
summo et longius ab eo progressa recipiunt in se vela ventum. Asclepiades says
that the ca/x or πτέρνα was the bottom of the mast, and fitted into the Anvés—see
note 199 on p. 92—so Anvés and ἑδώλιον seem to mean the same thing here. In
its action as a lever, the mast could only drive the fore part of the ship deeper into
the water as the leverage was increased. The fact is simply that the friction of the
wind against the waves retards the lower currents of air more than it retards the
currents above; so that, as Seneca says, minus habet virium flatus ex humilt,
epistole, 77, quoted in the last note.

197 Porphyrogenitos, de czerimoniis, ii. 45, p. 389, ἐδόθη ὑπὲρ ἀγορᾶς τῶν πανίων
τῶν ῥασιακῶν λόγῳ ποιήσεως ἀρμένων θ΄ ἀνὰ πηχῶν λ΄ τῶν θ΄ καραβίων τῶν ‘Pos, καὶ
ἑτέρων ἀρμένων β΄ ἀνὰ πηχῶν xy τῶν B’ μονερίων τῶν αἰχμαλώτων, σὺν τῶν δοθέντων
πανίων ῥασιακῶν κατὰ περίσσειαν τοὺς αὐτοὺς Ρῶς᾽" ὑπὲρ πανίων διὰ τῶν ἀμφοτέρων
ρνδ΄.. ἐδόθη ὑπὲρ ἀγορᾶς σχοινίων λόγῳ κρυπτῶν ἐπικήρων καὶ ποδιοδρόμων τῶν
αὐτῶν ια΄ ἀρμένων jy. p. 388, εἰς ἐξόπλισιν τῶν κ' δρομονίων,... ἄρμενα k’,...dvaryo-
κατάγοντα σὺν τῶν ἱμανταρίων αὐτῶν κ΄. These were the largest dromons then in
use: see note 47 on p. 19. The ἄρμενα are here the sails; and apparently the
ἱμαντάρια and ἀναγοκατάγοντα are the halyards and their blocks. The sheets and
braces may be included in the phrase κρυπτῶν ἐπικήρων καὶ ποδιοδρόμων under
Names akin to πόδες and ἐπίκρια. See pp. 18, 19 as to the oars in use at this
period ; and p. 87 with note 189 as to the masts and sails in use in 533 A.D.

92 MASTS WITH MILITARY-TOPS AND YARDS

The mast was fitted with a military-top on the largest —
of these Byzantine war-ships, so that the men could shoot
down missiles upon an enemy’s deck. And military-tops _
are represented on the masts of the Egyptian and Asiatic
war-ships two thousand years before, as in fgs. 6 to 8. But
on the Greek and Roman war-ships the masts were lowered
during an engagement; and military-tops were consequently
left to merchant-ships, the larger vessels of that class |
carrying them as part of their defence against the pirates.
In these times the top was somewhat like a tub or cask, ©
with space enough for two or three men to stand inside;
and this was fastened round the mast a little way above —

198 Leo, tactica, xix. 7, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ λεγόμενα ξυλόκαστρα περὶ τὸ μέσον που τοῦ
καταρτίου ἐν τοῖς μεγίστοις δρόμωσιν ἐπιστήσουσι πτεριτετειχισμένα σανίσιν, ἐξ ὧν.
ἄνδρες τινὲς τὸ μέσον τῆς whee νηὸς ἀκοντίσουσιν ἢ Ἶ λίθους μυλικοὺς ἢ σίδηρα βαρέα,
οἷον μάζας ξιφοειδεῖς, δί ὧν ἢ τὴν ναῦν διαθρύψουσιν ἢ τοὺς ὑποκειμένους συνθλάσουσιν
σφοδρῶς καταφερόμενα, ἤ τι ἕτερον ἐπιχύσουσιν ἢ ἐμπρῆσαι δυνάμενον τὴν ναῦν τῶν
ἐναντίων ἢ τοὺς ἐν αὐτῇ πολεμίους θανατῶσαι.

199 Athenzos, xi. 49, καρχήσιον. Καλλίξενος ὁ Ῥόδιος ἐν τοῖς Περὶ ᾿Αλεξανδρείας
φησὶν ὅτι ποτήριόν ἐστιν ἐπίμηκες, συνηγμένον εἰς μέσον ἐπιεικῶς, ὦτα ἔχον μέχρι
τοῦ πυθμένος κατήκοντα. ... Ἀσκληπιάδης δ᾽ ὁ Μυρλεανὸς κεκλῆσθαί φησιν αὐτὸ ἀπό
τινος τῶν ἐν τῇ νηὶ κατασκευασμάτων. τοῦ γὰρ ἱστοῦ τὸ μὲν κατωτάτω πτέρνα |
καλεῖται, 4 ἐμπίπτει els τὸν ληνόν " τὸ δ᾽ οἷον εἰς μέσον, τράχηλος᾽ τὸ δὲ πρὸς τῷ
τέλει καρχήσιον. ἔχει δὲ τοῦτο κεραίας ἄνω συννευούσας ἐφ᾽ ἑκάτερα τὰ μέρη, καὶ
ἐπίκειται τὸ λεγόμενον αὐτῷ θωράκιον, τετράγωνον πάντη πλὴν τῆς βάσεως καὶ τῆς
κορυφῆς" αὗται δὲ προὔχουσιν μικρὸν ἐπ᾽ εὐθείας ἐξωτέρω. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ θωρακίου εἰς
ὕψος ἀνήκουσα καὶ ὀξεῖα γιγνομένη ἐστὶν ἡ λεγομένη ἠλακάτη. There is clearly
a misreading here, ἐπίκειται for ἔγκειται. Callixenos says that the wine-cup —
καρχήσιον contracted a little in the middle and had handles reaching down to
the bottom, so Asclepiades must have said that the mast-head καρχήσιον consisted —
of a θωράκιον bulging a little at the top and bottom, with a pair of κεραῖαι curving
up on either side. These κεραῖαι were presumably the hooks that carried the
halyards: they could not be the yards, as those were straight. For the phrase —
τετράγωνον πάντη, cf. Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 835, 1. 70, κύλινδρος τετράγωνος —
πανταχεῖ. Thus its meaning is simply that there were not any projections or i
depressions in the sides of the θωράκιον between the two projections at the top and
bottom. Athenzos, v. 43, τριῶν τε ἱστῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ...ἦσαν δὲ κατὰ τοὺς ἱστοὺς EV
τοῖς καρχησίοις, οὖσι χαλκοῖς, ἐπὶ μὲν τοῦ πρώτου τρεῖς ἄνδρες, εἶθ᾽ ἑξῆς καθ᾽ ἕνα
λειπόμενοι" τούτοις δ᾽ ἐν πλεκτοῖς γυργάθοις διὰ τροχιλίων εἰς τὰ θωράκια λίθοι παρε-
βάλλοντο καὶ βέλη διὰ τῶν παίδων. cf. 44, ἄστρων γὰρ ψαύει καρχήσια, καὶ τριελίκ- —
Tous θώρακας μεγάλων ἐντὸς ἔχει νεφέων. In the inventories of the Athenian dock-
yards an ἐπίθημα θωρακείου is mentioned as something belonging to a war-ship: see
Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 791, 1. 31. But there is nothing to shew that this”
θωράκειον was part of a military-top.

_ i A aE

͵

FOR DROPPING MISSILES ON AN ENEMY. 93

the yard, the halyards working through a pair of hooks
or rings which projected from its sides and served as blocks™.
In the absence of a military-top these hooks or rings
projected from the mast itself, as in fg. 13, where they crown
the mast, or again in fg. 30, where the mast extends beyond,
and forms a kind of topmast for carrying the triangular sail
above the yard™. On merchant-ships the yards were strong
enough for heavy weights to be hoisted to the ends and
thence let fall on an assailant. And channels could therefore
be defended by mooring merchant-ships at intervals across,
and thus sending masses of lead and lumps of rock through

_ the bottoms of any vessels that tried to run through™.

200 Pindar, Nemea, v. 51, ἀνὰ δ᾽ ἱστία τεῖνον πρὸς ζυγὸν Kapxaclov. The term
ζυγόν must here denote the pair of hooks for the halyards; and so also iuga
in Latin. Lucan, ii. 695, dum iuga curvantur mali, cf. v. 418, hic utinam summi
curvet carchesia mali, sc. Aqutlo. The hooks being known as horns, xepata:—see
last note—the καρχήσιον could be described as the thing with the horns, κεροῦχος
or ceruchus. Ennodius, carmina, i. 7. 43, lintea nam summis dum crispant nexa
ceruchis. Valerius Flaccus, i. 469, ¢emperet ut tremulos Zetes fraterque ceruchos.
Lucan, viii. 177, instabit summis minor Ursa ceruchis, x. 494, 495, et tempore
codem | transtraque nautarum, summique arsere ceruchi. But while ceruchus was
thus in use in Latin, κεροῦχος gave place to κεροίαξ in classical Greek—see note 203
on p. 94—and afterwards to κάροιον, asin Leo, tactica, xix. 5. The terms ceruchus

_ and xepolat are always in the plural, but carchestum and καρχήσιον vary between

the plural and the singular. Plutarch, Themistocles, 12, γλαῦκα δ᾽ ὀφθῆναι τοῖς
kapxnolos ἐπικαθίζουσαν. Lucian, de mercede conductis, 1, # τιν᾽ ἄλλον ἐκ μηχανῆς
θεὸν ἐπὶ τῷ καρχησίῳ καθεζόμενον, cf. navigium, 9, amores, 6. Apuleius, metamor-
phoses, xi. 16, tmsigni carchesio conspicua, sc. malus. Catullus, 64. 235, 236,
candidaque intorti sustollant vela rudentes, | lucida qua splendent summi carchesia
mali. See also Apollonios Rhodios, i. 565, κὰδ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ Alva χεῦαν ἐπ᾽ ἠλακάτην
ἐρύσαντες, where αὐτοῦ denotes ἱστοῦ. According to Asclepiades, the ἠλακάτη was
the portion of the mast above the @wpaxiov—see last note—so Apollonios can only
mean that the yard was hoisted up to the καρχήσιον at the foot of the ἠλακάτη.
Apparently, the ἠλακάτη was also termed the στυλίς, for three of the stars in the
constellation of the Argo are placed ἐπὶ στυλίδος ἄκρας by Eratosthenes, catas-
terismi, 35, and ad malum by Hyginus, astronomia, ii. 36. Hyginus, however,
may be confusing the stars that Ptolemy places πρὸς τῷ ἄκρῳ τοῦ ἱστοῦ and ἐν τῷ
ἀκροστολίῳ, Almagest, viii. 1, "Apyods dorepicuds. The ἀκροστόλιον is suggested by
the phrase in Plutarch, Pompeius, 24. 2, στυλίσι χρυσαῖς.

201 Thucydides, vii. 38, διαλειπούσας δὲ τὰς ὁλκάδας ὅσον δύο πλέθρα dm’ ἀλλήλων
κατέστησεν, ὅπως εἴ τις βιάζοιτο ναῦς, εἴη κατάφευξις ἀσφαλὴς καὶ πάλιν καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν
ἔκπλους. 41, αἱ δὲ τῶν Συρακοσίων νῆες μέχρι μὲν τῶν ὁλκάδων ἐπεδίωκον " ἔπειτ᾽
αὐτοὺς αἱ κεραῖαι ὑπὲρ τῶν ἔσπλων αἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ὁλκάδων δελφινοφόροι ἡρμέναι ἐκώλυον.
Aristophanes, equites, 761, 762, ἀλλὰ φυλάττου, καὶ πρὶν ἐκεῖνον προσικέσθαι σου,

94 THE ROPES FOR HOLDING THE MASTS ΐ

All the ropes in the rigging of a Roman merchant-ship_
seem to be represented in the reliefs of about 50 A.D. and
200 A.D. in fgs. 26 and 29 to 31. The mast is fitted with a
set of shrouds, which slope a little aft and thus support it
from behind as well as from the sides; while in front it is
supported by a single fore-stay. This is a larger rope than
any of the others”; and seems to be intended for lowering
the mast towards the stern and hauling it up again, though on
a merchant-ship the mast might well have been a fixture.
The yard has two halyards in the middle and several pairs of
lifts towards the end; and these lifts carry the topsail. There
are braces to the yard; and there are sheets to the sail, and
also a number of brailing-ropes. The bowsprit has two

πρότερον σὺ | τοὺς δελφῖνας μετεωρίζου καὶ τὴν ἄκατον παραβάλλου : scholia in locum,
δηλοῦται δὲ καὶ ὑπὸ Φερεκράτους ἐν τοῖς ᾿Αγρίοις, ὅταν λέγῃ, ὁ δὲ δὴ δελφίς ἐστι
μολιβδοῦς, δελφινοφόρος τε κέρδος, διακόψει τοὔδαφος αὐτῶν ἐμπίπτων καὶ καταδύων.
These verses are corrupt; but some word like κέρας must be involved in κέρδος.
Diodoros, xiii. 78, of δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν μεγάλων πλοίων ἐφεστῶτες ἐπέῤῥιπτον ταῖς τῶν
πολεμίων ναυσὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τῶν κεραιῶν λίθους. 79, πλεῖστοι δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν λιθοφόρων ‘
κεραιῶν ἔπιπτον, ws ἂν ἐξ ὑπερδεξίων τόπων βαλλόντων λίθους ὑπερμεγέθεις τῶν
᾿Αθηναίων. Athenzeos, v. 43, τριῶν τε ἱστῶν ὑπαρχόντων, ἐξ ἑκάστου κεραῖαι λιθο-
φόροι ἐξήρτηντο δύο, ἐξ ὧν ἅρπαγές τε καὶ πλίνθοι μολίβου πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιτιθεμένους
ἠφίεντο. ᾿ ᾿

302 Lucian, navigium, 5, ἡλίκος μὲν ὁ ἱστός, ὅσην δὲ ἀνέχει τὴν κεραίαν, οἵῳ καὶ
προτόνῳ κέχρηται καὶ συνέχεται. cf. Aischylos, Agamemnon, 807, σωτῆρα ναὸς
πρότονον. Synesios, epistole, p. 164 C, τὸ κέρας ἐπετρίγει, καὶ ἡμεῖς φόμεθα προτονί-
ἕειν τὴν ναῦν. εἶτα κατεαγὸς μέσον ἔγγὺς μὲν ἦλθεν ἀπολέσαι πάντας ἡμᾶς, κιτ.λ.
Antipater, in the Anthology, x. 2. 7, λαίφεα δ᾽ εὐυφέα mporovigere. Synesios uses
προτονίζειν for tightening the fore-stay to secure the mast, etc.; whereas Antipater
uses it for letting the sail out far enough to touch the fore-stay. cf. Oppian,
de piscatione, i. 227, λίνα πάντα περὶ προτόνοισι μέμυκε : Euripides, Hecuba, 113,
114, Tas ποντοπόρους δ᾽ ἔσχε σχεδίας, | λαίφη προτόνοις ἐπερειδομένας, Iphigeneia in —
Tauris, 1134—1136, ἀέρι δ᾽ ἱστία προτόνοις κατὰ | πρῷραν ὑπὲρ στόλον ἐκπετάσουσι,
πόδα | ναὸς ὠκυπόμπου, reading προτόνοις in place of πρότονοι or πρότονος. For ©
movs, see note 206 on p. 96.

203 Aristotle, ethica Eudemia, iii, 1. 28, οὔτε yap διὰ τὸ εἰδέναι τὰ φοβερὰ
θαῤῥοῦσιν οἱ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἱστοὺς ἀναβαίνειν ἐπιστάμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι ἴσασι τὰς βοηθείας τῶν
δεινῶν. Cicero, de senectute, 6, alii malos scandant. Euripides, Hecuba, 1259—
1263, II. ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τάχ᾽, ἡνίκ᾽ ἄν σε ποντία voris—E. μῶν ναυστολήσῃ γῆς ὅρους
Ἑλληνίδος; Π. κρύψῃ μὲν οὖν πεσοῦσαν ἐκ καρχησίων. HE. πρὸς τοῦ βιαίων τυγχάν- é
ovcay ἁλμάτων; Il. αὐτὴ πρὸς ἱστὸν ναὸς ἀμβήσει ποδί. Lucian, navigium, 4, _
θαυμάζοντες ἀνιόντα τὸν ναύτην διὰ τῶν κάλων, εἶτα ἐπὶ τῆς κεραίας ἄνω ἀσφαλῶς
διαθέοντα τῶν κεροιάκων ἐπειλημμένον, cf, Jupiter tragoedus, 48, καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν κεραίαν
ἀναπηδῆσαι pddiov. Ovid, metamorphoses, iii. 615, 616, guo non alius conscendere

AND WORKING THE YARDS AND SAILS. 95

halyards for the spritsail-yard ; and the spritsail and its yard
would require sheets and brailing-ropes, braces and lifts.

There are not any ratlines to the shrouds: and men had

always to go aloft as best they could by climbing up the

mast or any rope available*™.

The brailing-ropes were passed through rings upon the
fore-side of the sail, and then through separate pulleys on the
yard™, as may be seen in fgs. 29 and 30; and from the yard
they seem to have been carried to the stern and made fast to

pins there, so that the steerer could manage them himself,

whereas the larger ropes were attached to various windlasses
about the ship and worked by his subordinates. Curiously,
the practice was always to brail up half the sail when the

summas | ocior antennas, prensoque rudente relabi. Galen, de usu partium, viii. 5,
ἀλλὰ Kal ὅσοι ταῖς κεραίαις τῶν πλοίων ἐπανίασι, πρότεροι τὴν γῆν καθορῶσι τῶν ἐν
τῇ νηὶ πλωτήρων. In the passages just quoted from Euripides and Lucian the
terms καρχησίων and κεροιάκων appear to be synonymous: see note 200 on p. 93.
The terms κάλοι and rudentes could be applied to ropes of any kind, but generally
were reserved for brailing-ropes. Virgil, Auneid, x. 229, velts immitte rudentes,

cf. iii. 267,682. Lucan, v. 426, 427, totosgue rudentes | laxavere sinus. Lucian,

amores, 6, εἶτ᾽ ἀθρόας κατὰ τῶν κάλων τὰς ὀθόνας ἐκχέαντες. Satyrios Thyillos, in
the Anthology, x. 5. 6, πᾶν λαῖφος ὕφεσθε κάλοις. See also the passages quoted in
note 178 on p. 81.

204 Synesios, epistolee, p. 163 Ὁ, ὃ δὲ ἐποίει παρὰ πόδας τὸν κίνδυνον, οὔχ ἕτερον
ἣν ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι πᾶσιν ἱστίοις ἡ ναῦς ἐφέρετο, ὑποτεμέσθαι δὲ οὐκ ἦν, ἀλλὰ πολλάκις ἐπι-
χειρήσαντες τοῖς καλῳδίοις ἀπηγορεύκειμεν, τῶν τροχῶν ἐνδακόντων, κιτ.Ὰ. Ρ. 163.D,
καὶ ἡ δρόσος ἐξισταμένη παρεῖχεν ἡμῖν κεχρῆσθαι τοῖς καλῳδίοις καὶ τὸ ἱστίον μετα-
χειρίζεσθαι. p. 164 Ὁ, πάλιν δὲ δυσπειθὲς ἦν τὸ ἱστίον καὶ οὐκ εὔτροχον εἰς καθαί-
ρεσιν. Synesios employs the phrase ὅλοις ἱστίοις, p. 160 C, as well as πᾶσιν ἱστίοις,
p- 163 cc. For the converse, see Aristophanes, ranze, 999, 1000, ἄκροισι | χρώμενος
τοῖς ἱστίοις, and Euripides, Medea, 524, ἄκροισι λαίφους κρασπέδοις.

205 Plutarch, preecepta gerendze rei publicze, 15. 16, ὡς οἱ κυβερνῆται τὰ μὲν ταῖς
χερσὶ δι᾿ αὑτῶν πράττουσι, τὰ δ᾽ ὀργάνοις ἑτέροις δι᾿ ἑτέρων ἄπωθεν καθήμενοι περιά-
γουσι καὶ στρέφουσι. Lucian, navigium, 5, αἱ ἄγκυραι καὶ στροφεῖα καὶ περιαγωγεῖς
καὶ αἱ κατὰ τὴν πρύμναν οἰκήσεις, θαυμάσια πάντα μοι ἔδοξε. Lucretius, iv. 005, 906,
multaque per trochleas et tympana pondere magno | commovet atque levi sustollit
machina nisu. These trochlee and tympana are probably the στροφεῖα and
περιαγωγεῖς, for the context is about a ship. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 566, 567, ἐπ᾽
ἐκριόφιν δὲ xddwas | ξἕεστῇσιν περόνῃσι διακριδὸν ἀμφιβαλόντες. The phrase ἐπ᾽
ἱκριόφιν must here denote the stern, as in Odyssey, xiii. 74, already quoted in
note 130 on p. 57. See also Oppian, de piscatione, i. 229, 230, πρύμνῃ δ᾽ ἔπι
πάντα χαλινὰ | ἰθυντὴρ. ἀνίησι, and Valerius Flaccus, iv. 679, 680, sed megue
permissis tam fundere rector habenis | vela, nec eniti remis pote. These habene or
χαλινά are probably the brailing-robes ; and so also the κάλωες.

“

‘a πλιχομνάκανανην τάξον» ἀνε! ae

96 MATERIAL FOR SAILS AND ROPES:

ship was put on either tack, the other half being thereby ©
transformed into a triangle with base extending from the
middle of the yard to the leeward end of it and apex termi-—
nating in the sheet below”

The sail used generally to be made of linen®’; but the
fibre of the papyrus and various other rushes was employed
as well as flax in the manufacture of sail-cloth™. This cloth
was probably of many different qualities; and two were

206 Aristotle, mechanica, 8, διὰ τί, ὅταν ἐξ οὐρίας βούλωνται διαδραμεῖν μὴ οὐρίου
τοῦ πνεύματος ὄντος, τὸ μὲν πρὸς τὸν κυβερνήτην τοῦ ἱστίου μέρος στέλλονται, τὸ δὲ
πρὸς τὴν πρῴραν ποδιαῖον ποιησάμενοι ἐφιᾶσιν ; ἢ διότι ἀντισπᾶν τὸ πηδάλιον πολλῷ
μὲν ὄντι τῷ πνεύματι οὐ δύναται, ὀλίγῳ δέ, διὸ ὑποστέλλονται; προάγει μὲν οὖν τὸ
πνεῦμα, εἰς οὔριον δὲ καθίστησι τὸ πηδάλιον, ἀντισπῶν καὶ μοχλεῦον τὴν θάλατταν.
For ποδιαῖον read ποδωτόν, cf. Lycophron, 1015, ποδωτοῖς ἐμφορούμεναι λίνοις, Sc.
πνοαί. The passage shews that, when the yard was braced round, the sail was ἃ
furled upon the arm that came aft, and left unfurled upon the arm that went
forward. And clearly it was the arm to windward that was braced aft; for if this
arm had been braced forward and carried the outstanding portion of the sail, the
wind would have twisted the ship round until this portion of the sail had got
to leeward of her. The manceuvre is described by Virgil, ΖΕ πε, v. 830—832,
una omnes fecere pedem; pariterque sinistros, | nunc dextros, solvere sinus; una
ardua torquent | cornua, detorquenique. The πούς or 265 is mentioned frequently,
Odyssey, x. 32; Pindar, Nemea, vi. 55—57; Sophocles, Antigone, 715—71] sae
Euripides, Orestes, 706, 707; Lucian, Charon, 3; etc. Lucan, v. 427, 428;
Catullus, 4. 19—21; Seneca, Medea, 320—322; Pliny, ii. 48; etc. This πούς,
the corner of the sail, is not to be confounded with the πούς, the rope that held thell
corner: for which see notes 177 and 179 on pp. 81, 82. t

207 fEschylos, Prometheus, 468, λινόπτερ᾽ wee ναυτίλων ὀχήματα, sc. Προμηθεύς. \
Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 410, vdsov ὄχημα, λινοπόροισιν αὔραις, Hecuba, —
1080, 1081, λινόκροκον | φᾶρος στέλλων. Oppian, de venatione, i. 121, λιψνοπτερύτ
γῶν ὅπλα νηῶν. Apollonios Rhodios, i. 565, κὰδ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ λίνα χεῦαν, sc. ἱστοῦ, —
Lucian, amores, 6, εἶτ᾽ ἀθρόας κατὰ τῶν κάλων τὰς ὀθόνας ἐκχέαντες, ἠρέμα πιμπλα-
μένου τοῦ λίνου, κιτιλ. Meleager, in the Anthology, xii. 53. 8, οὔριος ὑμετέρας
πνεύσεται εἰς ὀθόνας. Leonidas, ibid., x. 1. 6, πᾶσαν ἐφεὶς ὀθόνην. Lucilius, ibid., —
xi, 404. 4, διαπλεῖ σινδόν᾽ ἐπαράμενος. Euripides, Phaethon, Fr. 2. 42, σινδὼν δὲ
πρότονον ἐπὶ μέσον πέλασσει. Athenzeos, v. 39, βύσσινον ἔχων ἱστίον. cf.
Herodotos, ii. 86, vii. 181, σινδόνος βυσσίνης. Livy, xxviii. 45, 7 arquinienses
lintea (dederunt) in vela. Virgil, AEneid, iii. 357, tumidogue inflatur carbasus
austro, iv. 417, vocat tam carbasus auras. Ovid, heroides, 3. 58, te dare nubi ris
linea vela notis, 7.171, prebebis carbasa ventis, amores, ii. 11. 41, zephyri veniant
in lintea plent, metamorphoses, xi. 476, 477, totague malo | carbasa deduciea
Catullus, 64. 225, suspendam lintea malo, cf. 227, carbasus. Tucan, v. 428,
obliquat levo pede carbasa, cf. 430, dintea. All these terms, λένον, Linum, ὀθόνη, vl
carbasus, σινδὼν and βύσσος, appear to be used promiscuously in reference to”
linen, }

a

ἢ

FLAX, HEMP, PAPYRUS, HIDE, ETC. 97

certainly in use in the Athenian navy about 330 B.C., the
common sail being superseded by one of finer texture and
higher price™. The edges of the sail used to be bound with
hide; and the skins of the hyzena and the seal were especially
in request for this, as there was a superstition among sailors
that these would keep off lightning”. The ropes were some-
times made from strips of hide, but oftener from the fibre of
the papyrus or from flax or hemp™’.

208 Theophrastos, historia plantarum, iv. 8. 4, αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ πάπυρος πρὸς πλεῖστα
χρήσιμος. Kal yap πλοῖα ποιοῦσιν ἐξ αὐτοῦ, καὶ ἐκ τῆς βύβλου ἱστία τε πλέκουσιν Kal
ψιάθους, κιτ.λ. ΞΞ Pliny, xiii. 22, ex ipso quidem papyro navigia texunt, et e libro
vela tegetesgue, etc. UHerodotos, ii. 96, ἱστῷ δὲ ἀκανθίνῳ χρέονται, ἱστίοισι δὲ
βυβλίνοισι. Pliny, xvi. 70, mamgue tis (scirpis) velificant, non in Pado tantum
mautict, verum et in mari piscator Africus, prepostero more vela intra malos
suspendens. In this passage Pliny uses im¢ra as Herodotos uses ἔσωθεν in the
passage quoted in note 178 on p. 81, and thus gives prefostero its literal meaning,
the sail being set abaft of the mast.

Ἷ 209 Corp Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 807, col. a, Il. 55—58, [ἐ]ν νεωρίοις παρέδομεν

{ijorta, σὺν τῷ παλαιῷ, [ἐ]πὶ ναῦς ΗΗΒΙΔΔΔΙΠΙΠ. [τ]ούτων λεπτὰ AIA ΔΙ.

no. 811, col. c, ll. 169—172, ἱστία λεπτὰ ||, ἀντὶ τούτων παρέδοσαν παχέα δύο.

ὑπὲρ τούτωμ προσοφείλουσιμ mpd[s] τὸ διάγραμμα ΗΗΗ.
210 Plutarch, quzestiones convivales, iv. 2. 1, καὶ γὰρ ὁ γελώμενος οὑτοσὶ καὶ
παροιμιώδης, ἔφη, βολβὸς οὐ μικρότητι διαφεύγει τὸν κεραυνόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἔχων δύναμιν
ἀντιπαθῆ, καθάπερ ἡ συκῆ καὶ τὸ δέρμα τῆς φώκης, ὡς φασι, καὶ τὸ τῆς ὑαίνης, οἷς τὰ
ἄκρα τῶν ἱστίων οἱ ναύκληροι καταδιφθεροῦσι. Lucian, navigium, 4, παρὰ τὸν ἱστὸν
ἐπὶ πολὺ ἔστημεν ἀναβλέποντες, ἀριθμοῦντες τῶν βυρσῶν τὰς ἐπιβολάς, x.7.X. The
sail itself was made of hide on the vessels in the Bay of Biscay. Czesar, de bello
Gallico, iii. 13, Aelles pro velis aluteque tenuiter confecta, sive propter lini inopiam
aique eius usus inscientiam, sive eo (quod est magts verisimile) quod tantas tem-
pestates oceant tantosgue impetus ventorum sustinert ac tanta onera navium regi
velis non satis commode posse arbitrabantur. cf. Dion Cassius, xxxix. 41, καὶ yap
ἱστία δερμάτινα εἶχον, wore πᾶσαν τὴν τοῦ πνεύματος ἰσχὺν ἀπλήστως ἐσδέχεσθαι,
Strabo, iv. 4. 1, ἦν γὰρ σκύτινα (τὰ ἱστία) διὰ τὴν βίαν τῶν ἀνέμων.

211 Odyssey, ii. 426, ἕλκον δ᾽ ἱστία λευκὰ ἐυστρέπτοισι βοεῦσιν. xii. 422, 423,
αὐτὰρ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ | ἐπίτονος βέβλητο, βοὸς ῥινοῖο τετευχώς. XXi. 300, 301, κεῖτο δ᾽ ὑπ᾽
αἰθούσῃ ὅπλον νεὸς ἀμφιελίσσης | βύβλινον, ᾧ ῥ᾽ ἐπέδησε θύρας. Hermippos, apud
Athenzum, i. 49, ταῦτα. μὲν ἐντεῦθεν" κἀξ Αἰγύπτου τὰ κρεμαστά, | ἱστία καὶ
βύβλους. Herodotos, vii. 25, παρεσκευάζετο δὲ καὶ ὅπλα ἐς τὰς γεφύρας βύβλινά τε
καὶ λευκολίνου, ἐπιτάξας Φοίνιξί τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίοισι. cf. 34, τὴν μὲν λευκολίνου
Φοίνικες, τὴν δ᾽ ἑτέρην τὴν βυβλίνην Αἰγύπτιοι. ALschylos, Persze, 69, λινοδέσμῳ
σχεδίᾳ πορθμὸν ἀμείψας. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1043, οὗ ναῦς χαλινοῖς
λινοδέτοις ὁρμεῖ σέθεν. Ovid, fasti, iii. 587, dumague parant torto subducere carbasa
fino. Persius, v. 146, 147, Ζϊδὲ torta cannabe fulto | cena sit in transtro?

Lg &

98 SAILS OF DIVERS COLOURS.

The sails used often to be coloured”, a black sail being
everywhere a sign of mourning, while a purple or vermilion
sail was generally the badge of an admiral or a monarch; and
on vessels employed as scouts in time of war the sails and
ropes were dyed the colour of sea-water, so as to keep them
out of sight. In some cases the topsail seems to have been
coloured, while the sail below was plain; and frequently a
patchwork of colours was produced by using different stuffs
in different sections of the ordinary sail, as shewn in the
Egyptian ship of about 600 B.C. in fg. 12, Various inscriptions
and devices used also to be woven on the sails, the titles and
emblems of a Roman emperor being thus displayed upon his
sail in characters of gold”*. This practice is illustrated by
the Roman relief of about 200 A.D. in fg. 29.

212 Plutarch, Theseus, 17, πρότερον μὲν οὖν οὐδεμία σωτηρίας ἐλπὶς ὑπέκειτο"
διὸ καὶ μέλαν ἱστίον ἔχουσαν, ὡς ἐπὶ συμφορᾷ προδήλῳ, τὴν ναῦν ἔπεμπον" τότε δὲ
(Αἰγεὺς) ἔδωκεν ἕτερον ἱστίον λευκόν, κιτ.λ. ὁ δὲ Σιμωνίδης οὐ λευκόν φησιν εἶναι τὸ
δοθὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ Αἰγέως, ἀλλὰ ““ φοινίκεον ἱστίον ὑγρῷ πεφυρμένον πρίνου ἄνθει ἐρι-
θάλλου." cf. Aischylos, septem adversus Thebas, 857, 858, μελάγκροκον | ναύ-
στολον θεωρίδα, Philostratos, heroica, 9. 3, ἱστίοις μέλασι, 20. 25, μέλανα ἱστία.
Athenzos, xii. 49, ἡ δὲ τριήρης ἐφ᾽ ἧς (Αλκιβιάδης) κατέπλει, μέχρι μὲν τῶν κλείθρων
τοῦ Πειραιέως προσέτρεχεν ἁλουργοῖς ἱστίοις, κιτιλ. cf. Plutarch, Alcibiades, 32,
ἱστίῳ δ᾽ ἁλουργῷ τὴν ναναρχίδα προσφέρεσθαι τοῖς λιμέσιν, Antonius, 26, ἱστίων
ἁλουργῶν ἐκπεπετασμένων. See also the passages quoted from Vegetius in note 89
on p. 35, from Suetonius in note 133 on p. 59, from Lucian, Athenzeos and Seneca
in note 195 on p. go, and from Procopios and Pliny in note 214 on p. 99.
Philostratos, imagines, i. 18, θύρσος δ᾽ οὑτοσὶ ἐκ μέσης νεὼς ἐκπέφυκε τὰ τοῦ ἱστοῦ
πράσσων, καὶ ἱστία μεθῆπται ἁλουργῆ, μεταυγάζοντα ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ, χρυσαῖ δ᾽ ἐνύ-
φανται βάκχαι ἐν Tuddrw καὶ Διονύσου τἀν Λυδίᾳ. But here Philostratos is describing
a picture of a ship, and may be thinking of the Peplos that was carried like a sail
in the procession at the Panathenzea. Apparently the colours ἁλουργές and φοινίκεον
differed only in their origin, one being obtained from the purple-fish, while the
other (as Simonides remarks) was obtained from the ilex-berry. Lucian’s rupavyés
is probably the same as Seneca’s rabicundum ; and this would be the colour of the
rubrica or μίλτος mentioned by Procopios. The versicoloria of Pliny and Suetonius
must be parti-coloured sails. |

413 Arrian, Fr. 19, apud Suidam, 5. v. ναῦς :---καὶ ἐπ᾿ ἄκρῳ τῷ ἱστίῳ τὸ βασιλικὸν
ὄνομα, καὶ ὅσοις ἄλλοις βασιλεὺς γεραίρεται, χρυσᾷ ἐγκεχαραγμένα. This refers to
Trajan’s ship on the Tigris. Apuleius, metamorphoses, xi. 16, Aedus felicis alvet
nitens carbasus litteras voti intextas progerebat. ecce litter votum instaurabant de
novi commeatus prospera navigatione. For the inscription v-L in fg. 29, see Corp.
Inscr. Latin. vol. xiv, no. 2033; and also no. 456 for an inscription QQ: C-F-NAV
upon a similar relief.

ADMIRAL’S FLAG AND LIGHT. 99

An admiral’s ship was distinguished by some sort of flag

carry; and_after dark a light was exhibited in lieu of the
flag™*. This light was simply for the guidance of the fleet,
_ the admiral’s ship leading the way, and the others requiring
_ some indication of her course throughout the night. But in
many fleets every ship was provided with a light; and here
the admiral’s ship must have carried her light in some
distinctive place, or carried more than one, as was certainly
q the case in a Roman fleet in n 204 B.C, where three lights were

> ἰὼν war-ships carrying the single light" An ΡΝ
_ admiral would manage to mislead the enemy by screening
_ or extinguishing the lights or setting them adrift on buoys”

514. Herodotos, viii. 92, ws δὲ ἐσεῖδε τὴν νέα (Θεμιστοκλέος) ὁ Πολύκριτος, ἔγνω
᾿ς γχὸ σημήιον ἰδὼν τῆς στρατηγίδος. Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 55, πλησίον τε ἦσαν
ἡ " ἀλλήλων ἤδη, καὶ αἱ ναυαρχίδες ἐκ τῶν σημείων ἐφαίνοντο, καὶ ἀλλήλαις προσέπλεον.
ii. 80, οὐδενί τε ἐκφήνας ὅπη τὸν πλοῦν ποιήσεται, περὶ ἑσπέραν ἀνήγετο ἐπαγγείλας
_ τοῖς λοιποῖς κυβερνήταις πρὸς τὸν λαμπτῆρα τῆς ἑαυτοῦ νεὼς καὶ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν πρὸς
᾿ 70 σημεῖον εὐθύνειν. cf. Diodoros, χχ. 75, ἀκολουθεῖν τῇ στρατηγίδι νηὶ προσέχοντας
τῷ λαμπτῆρι. Xenophon, Hellenica, v. 1. 8, νυκτὸς δ᾽ ἐπιγενομένης, φῶς ἔχων,
᾿ς ὥσπερ νομίζεται, ἀφηγεῖτο, ὅπως μὴ πλανῶνται αἱ ἑπόμεναι. Procopios, ἄς. bello
᾿ς ΨΜαπάαλϊίοο, i. 1 3, τριῶν νεῶν, ἐν αἷς αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ θεραπεία ἔπλει, τὰ ἱστία ἐκ γωνίας

| ἑκάστῃ ἀπεκρέμασεν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν λύχνα, ὅπως ἔν τε ἡμέρᾳ καὶ νυκτὶ αἱ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ
ny νῆες ἔκδηλοι elev’ αἷς δὴ ἕπεσθαι τοὺς κυβερνήτας ἐκέλευε πάντας. Apparently the
᾿ς γωνία is here the mast-head, as in Herodotos, viii. 122. 2. Pliny, xix. 5, tentatum
᾿ς κε tigni Linum quoque, et vestium insaniam accipere,in Alexandri Magni primum
_ élassibus, Indo amne navigantis, cum duces eius ac prefecti in certamine quodam
‘ _ variassent insignia navium: stupueruntque litora, flatu versicoloria implente. velo
᾿ς purpureo ad Actium cum 77, Antonio Cleopatra venit, eodemque effugit. hoc fuit
_ imperatoria navis insigne. An admiral might display a coloured sail; but that
i could hardly be his σημεῖον or zmsigne, for no sail was carried in action. Most
: likely he used a flag. Tacitus, historic, v. 22, pretoriam navem, vexillo insignem,
| aripiunt. A lantern is represented on the three-banked ship on Trajan’s column,
hanging from the ornament above the stern.

718 Livy, xxix. 25, lumina in navibus singula rostrata, bina oneraria haberent ;
in pretoria nave insigne nocturnum trium luminum fore. These were the orders
2 to Scipio’s fleet on its voyage to Africa.

τς "δ Polyzenos, v. 10. 2, λαμπτῆρας δ᾽ ἦρε τὸ πρόσθεν μέρος πεφραγμένους, ὅπως
᾿ μὴ γνωρίζοιεν ἀπὸ τοῦ φωτὸς οἱ πολέμιοι τὸν ἐπίπλουν. cf. Philistos, Fr. 15, apud
Pollucem, x. 116, ἐπαίρεσθαι λαμπτῆρας ἀντιπεφραγμένους. Polyzenos, vi. r1, καὶ
_ vuKrds γενομένης ἐκέλευσεν ἄραι τοὺς λαμπτῆρας, οἷς αἱ τοῦ Διονυσίου νῆες εἵποντο.

£2

I0O FLAGS FOR SIGNALLING, ETC,

A national flag, or something of the sort, used to be
carried in battle by all the ships of a fleet, to distinguish them
from ships belonging to the enemy*’; and besides the flag
that was distinctive of the admiral, a set of flags was carried
on his ship for signalling. A purple flag was generally the
signal for going into action, and there probably were flags of

other colours; but attempts were made at semaphoring with

a single flag’, and occasionally the signal was given by

flashing the sunlight from a shield®™®. In addition to the
signal for going into action, there certainly were signals for
getting under way, for altering the formation of the fleet by
various manceuvres, for bringing to, for disembarking troops,
and possibly for many other purposes”. Some flags are
represented at the sterns of the Athenian ships of about
500 B.C. in fg. 19, and on the masts of the Roman ships of
about 50 A.D. in fgs. 26 and 27.

μετὰ μικρὸν δὲ τούτους καθελόντες ἑτέρους καθῆκαν és τὴν θάλατταν φελλοῖς μεγάλοις
ἐφηρμοσμένους, κἀκ τοῦ φωτὸς ἐς τὸ πλάγιον ἐπιστρέψαντες ἔφθασαν, κιτ.λ. Dion
Cassius, xlix. 17, προεῖπε μέν σφισιν ὡς διὰ πελάγους τὸν πλοῦν ποιησόμενος, ἀπο-
σβέσας δὲ τὸ φῶς ὃ ἐν τοῖς νυκτερινοῖς πλοῖς αἱ στρατηγίδες νῆες (ὅπως καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ
κατὰ πόδας αὐτῶν ἐφέπωνται) προδεικνύουσι, παρά τε τὴν ᾿Ιταλίαν παρέπλευσε, κ.τ.λ.
cf. Florus, iv. 8. 9, fugiebat extincto pretorie navis lumine.

217 Appian, de bellis civilibus, v. 106, καὶ τὰ σημεῖα κατὰ ναῦς ἦρτο. Polyzenos,
viii. 53. 3, εἰ μὲν ἐδίωκεν αὐτὴ ναῦν ᾿Ελληνίδα, τὸ βαρβαρικὸν dvérewe σημεῖον, εἰ δὲ
ὑπὸ Ἑλληνίδος νεὼς ἐδιώκετο, ἀνέτεινε τὸ Ἑλληνικόν, cf. 1, τὰ σημεῖα τὰ Περσικά.
These can hardly be the same as the σημεῖα mentioned in note 150 on p. 67.

218 Teo, tactica, xix. 41, τὸ δὲ σημεῖον ὑποσημαινέτω, ἢ ὀρθὸν ἱστάμενον, ἢ ἐπὶ
δεξιὰ ἢ ἐπὶ ἀριστερὰ κλινόμενον καὶ ἐπὶ δεξιὰ πάλιν ἢ ἐπὶ ἀριστερὰ μεταφερόμενον, ἢ
τινασσόμενον, ἢ ὑψούμενον, ἢ ταπεινούμενον, ἢ ὅλως ἀφαιρούμενον, ἢ μετατιθέμενον, 7
διὰ τῆς ἐν αὐτῷ κεφαλῆς ἄλλοτε ἄλλως φαινομένης ἀλλασσόμενον, ἢ διὰ σχημάτων, ἢ
διὰ χρωμάτων, οἷόν ποτε τοῖς παλαιοῖς ἐπράττετο. ἐν γὰρ πολέμου καιρῷ σημεῖον
εἶχον τῆς συμβολῆς αἴροντες τὴν λεγομένην φοινικίδα. Diodoros, xiii. 46, καὶ τοῖς
μὲν Λακεδαιμονίοις οὐδὲν ἐφαίνετο σύσσημον, τοῖς δ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοις ᾿Αλκιβιάδης μετέωρον
ἐποίησεν ἐπίσημον φοινικοῦν ἀπὸ τῆς ἰδίας νεώς, ὅπερ ἦν σύσσημον αὐτοῖς διατεταγμένον.
xiii. 77, ἃ δὴ συνιδὼν ὁ Κόνων ἦρεν ἀπὸ τῆς ἰδίας νεὼς φοινικίδα " τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν τὸ
σύσσημον τοῖς τριηράρχοις. cf. Polyzenos, i. 48. 2, ἐπῆρε τὴν φοινικίδα" ἦν δὲ ἄρα
μάχης σύνθημα τοῖς κυβερνήταις. .

19 Diodoros, xx. 51, Δημήτριος μὲν οὖν, τῶν ἐναντίων ἀποσχὼν ws ἂν τρεῖς
σταδίους, ἦρε τὸ συγκείμενον πρὸς μάχην σύσσημον, ἀσπίδα κεχρυσωμένην, φανερὰν
πᾶσιν ἐκ διαδοχῆς. Herodotos, vi. 115, τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἀναδέξαι ἀσπίδα ἐοῦσι ἤδη ἐν
τῇσι νηυσί. Plutarch, Lysander, 11, κατὰ μέσον τὸν πόρον ἀσπίδα χαλκῆν ἐπά-
βασθαι πρῴραθεν ἐπίπλου σύμβολον -- Xenophon, Hellenica, ii. 1. 27, ἄραι ἀσπίδα
κατὰ μέσον τὸν πλοῦν.

THE LEAD AND THE LOG, 10!

On board a ship there was generally a lead for sounding ;

and this seems to have been armed with grease to bring up
_ samples of the bottom™. And it is said that ships were fitted
with a pair of paddle-wheels for reckoning the distances they
_ traversed ; the notion being that these wheels would be kept
steadily in motion by the impact of the water on the paddles
_as the ship went on her course, and that her progress could
therefore be computed from the number of revolutions they
_recorded™. But obviously this would be impracticable, unless
_the water were preternaturally smooth.

Ships generally were provided with a ladder or a gangway
for people to come on board when the vessel was made fast to
_the shore. The ladder may be noticed at the stern of the
[ Athenian ships of about 500 B.C. in fgs. 17 to 19; and this
_ was probably its usual place, for it would be wanted here-
_ abouts, as vessels usually were made fast by the stern. The

220 Herodotos, vii. 128, ἐσβὰς és Σιδωνίην νέα ἀνέδεξε σημήιον καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι
ἀνάγεσθαι. Thucydides, i. 49, συμμίξαντες δέ, ἐπειδὴ τὰ σημεῖα ἑκατέροις ἤρθη,
ἐναυμάχουν. ii. go, ἀπὸ σημείου ἑνὸς ἄφνω ἐπιστρέψαντες τὰς ναῦς μετωπηδὸν
ἔπλεον. Xenophon, Hellenica, vi. 2. 30, ἐν δὲ τοῖς μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν πλοῖς ἀπὸ σημείων
᾿ τοτὲ μὲν ἐπὶ κέρως ἦγε, τοτὲ δ᾽ ἐπὶ φάλαγγος, cf. 28. Dion Cassius, 1. 31, καὶ μετὰ
Τοῦτο τὰ κέρατα ἐξαίφνης ἀμφότερα ἀπὸ σημείου ἐπεξαγαγὼν ἐπέκαμψεν. Polyzenos,
“ii. 9. 63, ὡς δὲ ἤδη σύμμετρον ὑπέλαβεν εἶναι τὸ τῆς θαλάσσης βάθος, ἀνέτεινε τὸ
σημεῖον τῆς ἐκβάσεως. Plutarch, Antonius, 67, ἐκείνη δέ, γνωρίσασα σημεῖον ἀπὸ τῆς
γεώς, ἀνέσχε. Livy, xxxvii. 24, signo sublato ex pretoria nave, quo dispersam classem
_ in unum colligi mos erat. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrino, 45, vexillo sublato,
_ guo pugnandi dabat signum. .
#1 Herodotos, ii. 5, ἔτι καὶ ἡμέρης δρόμον ἀπέχων ἀπὸ γῆς, xarels καταπειρη-
ο΄ τηρίην πηλόν τε ἀνοίσεις καὶ ἐν ἕνδεκα ὀργυιῇσι ἔσεαι, cf. 28. Acts, xxvii. 28, καὶ
ao βολίσαντες εὗρον ὀργυιὰς εἴκοσι, βραχὺ δὲ διαστήσαντες καὶ πάλιν βολίσαντες εὗρον
ὀργυιὰς δεκαπέντε. Lucilius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. 4. 10, ἄμε catapiratem
| puer codem deferat unctum, | plumbi pauxillum rodus, linigue metaxam. Statius,
᾿ς Silvee, iii. 2. 30, exploret rupes gravis arte molybdis.
᾿ 222 Vitruvius, x. 9. 5, ¢vaiicitur per latera parietum axis habens extra navem
᾿ς prominentia capita, in que includuntur rote diametro pedum quaternum, habentes
_ circa frontes affixas pinnas aquam tangentes. 7, ita navis cum habuerit impetum aut
_ remorum aut ventorum flatu, pinne que erunt in rotis tangentes aguam adversam,
_ wehementi retrorsus impulsu coacte versabunt rotas ; ee@ autem involvendo se agent
_ a@xem, etc. Then, by means of cogged wheels, etc., a stone was dropped into a
_ bronze pan at every four-hundredth revolution of the wheels outside. i¢a et sonitu
_ et numero indicabit milliaria spatia navigationis. In thus reckoning that the
_ ship would make 5000 ft. of headway during 400 revolutions of a wheel that was
4 ft. in diameter, Vitruvius is forgetting that water is not so firm as land

102 GANGWAYS FOR LANDING.

gangway was presumably a heavier structure than the ladder, |
if there was really any difference between the two; but the
names seem to be used indiscriminately”. In the Athenian
navy the war-ships carried two ladders apiece; and they also
carried three poles of different sizes™. Such poles were
needed whenever a ship had to be pushed off from the shore -
or kept at a distance from another ship: so they generally —
formed part of the outfit™.

23 Thucydides, iv. 12, καὶ ὁ μὲν (Βρασίδας) τούς τε ἄλλους τοιαῦτα ἐπέσπερχεν,
καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ κυβερνήτην ἀναγκάσας ὀκεῖλαι τὴν ναῦν ἐχώρει ἐπὶ τὴν ἀποβάθραν"

4 4

καὶ πειρώμενος ἀποβαίνειν ἀνεκόπη ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, καὶ τραυματισθεὶς πολλὰ
ἐλειποψύχησέ τε, καὶ πεσόντος αὐτοῦ ἐς τὴν παρεξειρεσίαν ἡ ἀσπὶς περιεῤῥύη ἐς τὴν
θάλασσαν. Diodoros, xii.’62, ἡ μὲν τριήρης ἐπώκειλεν, ὁ δὲ Βρασίδας ἐπιβὰς ἐπὶ τὴν
τῆς νεὼς ἐπιβάθραν, κιτ.λ. Plutarch, de gloria Atheniensium, 3, καὶ ὁ τὸν κυβερ-
νήτην ἐπισπέρχων Βρασίδας ἐξοκέλλειν, καὶ χωρῶν ἐπὶ τὴν βάθραν, καὶ τραυματιζόμενος —
καὶ λιποψυχῶν καὶ ἀποκλίνων εἰς τὴν παρεξειρεσίαν. As ἃ war-ship must have been
beached stern forward on account of her ram, the term παρεξειρεσία must here
denote the space abaft the oars, as in the passages quoted from Polyzenos in note
170 on p. 75, not the space forward, as in those quoted from Thucydides in note
141 on p. 62. Herodotos, ix. 98, παρασκευασάμενοι ὦν és ναυμαχίην καὶ ἀποβάθρας
καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὅσων ἔδεε, ἔπλωον ἐπὶ τῆς Μυκάλης. 99, προσσχόντες Tas νέας ἀπέβησαν
ἐς τὸν αἰγιαλόν. Lucian, dialogi mortuorum, το. Io, εὖ ἔχει" ὥστε λῦε τὰ ἀπόγεια,
τὴν ἀποβάθραν ἀνελώμεθα, τὸ ἀγκύριον ἀνεσπάσθω, κιτ.λ. Polyzenos, iv. 6. 8,
ἄλλοι μὲν ἀνέσπων τὰ πρυμνήσια, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀνεῖλκον Tas ἀποβάθρας, ἄλλοι δὲ ἀγκύρας
ἀνιμῶντο. Euripides, Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350—1352, οἱ δ᾽ ἐπωτίδων | ἀγκύρας
ἐξανῆπτον, οἱ δὲ κλίμακας | .. | σπεύδοντες ἦγον διὰ χερῶν πρυμνήσια. In this
passage there is obviously a lacuna. Theocritos, xxii. 30, 31, ἔνθα μιᾶς πολλοὶ
κατὰ κλίμακος ἀμφοτέρων ξξ | τοίχων ἄνδρες ἔβαινον ᾿Ιησονίης ἀπὸ νηός. Arrian,
anabasis, i. 19, κλίμακας φέρειν ἐπὶ τὰς πρῴρας τῶν τριηρῶν κελεύσας, ὡς κατὰ τὰ
ἀπότομα τῆς νήσου, καθάπερ πρὸς τεῖχος, ἐκ τῶν νεῶν τὴν ἀπόβασιν ποιησόμενος.
The κλίμακες and ἀποβάθρα seem to be distinguished in Latin as scale and pons |
respectively. Virgil, Aineid, x. 653, 654, forte ratis celst coniuncta crepidine saxt |
expositis stabat scalis et ponte parato, cf. 288. Statius, silvze, ili. 2. 54, 55, camgue
ratem terris divisit fune soluto | navita, et angustum detecit in equora pontem.

#4 Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 793, col. a, ll. 28—37, [κλι]μακίδων ἀριθμὸς ἡ

[H JHHHP' Ar": [αὗτ]αι γίγνονται ἐπὶ [va]is HHAAAII [καὶ] μία κλιμακίς.
[κοντ]ῶν ἀρι[θμὸς ΠΒΗ]ΕΔΔΙ͂ Il* [οὗτ]οι γίγνονται ἐπὶ [vlads ΠΗΔΙΔΙΠ καὶ

κοντοὶ δύο, cf. no. 789, col. a, 1. 21, κοντὸν μέγαν, no. 791, 1. 29, κοντοῦ μικροῦ.

335 Odyssey, ix. 487, 488, αὐτὰρ ἐγὼ χείρεσσι λαβὼν περιμήκεα κοντὸν | ὦσα Ὁ
παρέξ. Thucydides, 11. 84, καὶ ναῦς τε νηὶ προσέπιπτε καὶ τοῖς κοντοῖς διωθοῦντο.
cf. Procopios, de bello Vandalico, i. 13, τοῖς κοντοῖς διωθούμενοι. Euripides,
Iphigeneia in Tauris, 1350, κοντοῖς δὲ πρῷραν εἶχον. Virgil, Aineid, v. 208, 209,
Jerratasque trudes et acuta cuspide contos | expediunt. See also Tacitus, annales,
xiv. 5, and Suetonius, Tiberius, 62, Caligula, 32.

THE SHIP’S BOAT. 103

A small boat used to be towed astern by every merchant-
8 hip of any size, and also by the war-ships in the Roman
navy; and occasionally a merchant-ship took two or three.
_ The boat was intended for the safety of the crew in case the
ship were wrecked or had to be abandoned; and ordinarily
was used for communicating with the shore when the ship was
lying some way out™. Apparently, the Roman and Byzantine
-merchant-ships had some means of hoisting up the boat”

389 Demosthenes, in Phormionem, 10, ὁ δὲ Λάμπις ἀναχθεὶς ἐναυάγησεν οὐ
μακρὰν ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐμπορίου. καὶ αὐτὸς μὲν ἀπεσώθη ἐν τῷ λέμβῳ, κ.τ.λ., in Zeno-
themin, 6, ῥίπτει ἑαυτὸν (Ἡ γέστρατος) εἰς τὴν θάλατταν, διαμαρτὼν δὲ τοῦ λέμβου διὰ
τὸ νύκτ᾽ εἶναι, ἀπεπνίγη, 7, ἔπειθε (Znvddeus) τὸν πρῳρέα καὶ τοὺς ναύτας εἰς τὸν
λέμβον ἐμβαίνειν καὶ ἐκλείπειν τὴν ναῦν τὴν ταχίστην, ὡς ἀνελπίστου τῆς σωτηρίας
οὔσης καὶ καταδυσομένης τῆς νεὼς αὐτίκα μάλα. Anaxandrides, apud Atheneum,
Vi. 41, ὑμεῖς γὰρ ἀλλήλους ἀεὶ χλευάζετ᾽, οἵδ᾽ ἀκριβῶς" ὄπισθεν ἀκολουθεῖ κόλαξ τῳ,
λέμβος ἐπικέκληται. cf. Pliny, epistolze, viii. 20. 7, sepe minores matoribus velut
_ ceymbule onerariis adherescunt. Plutarch, Demetrius, 17, προσέχειν μὲν οὐκ εἴασε
τῇ γῇ τὸ πλοῖον, ἀγκύρας δ᾽ ἀφεῖναι κελεύσας καὶ κατὰ ναῦν ἔχειν ἀτρέμα πάντας,
αὐτὸς ἐμβὰς εἰς τὸ ἐφόλκιον ἐξῆλθε μόνος. Heliodoros, Αἰ ϊορίοα, v. 24, ἐπιτρέ-
— mopev εἰς τὸ ἐφόλκιον εἰσβῆναι καὶ σώζειν αὑτούς, εἰ βούλεσθε...τῶν δ᾽ εἰς τὸ σκάφος τὸ
᾿ ὑπηρετικὸν ἄλλεσθαι καὶ διαδρᾶναι βουλευομένων. In the Acts of the Apostles,
_ xxvii. 16, 30, 32—see next note—the term σκάφη is applied to the ship’s boat in
imitation of the Latin usage of scapha. Plautus, rudens, prologus, 75, de navi
_ timide desuluerunt in scapham. The Pandects, xxxiii. 7. 29, Labeo :—si navem
cum instrumento emisti, prestari tibi debet scapha navis. Paulus :—imo contra ;
| elenim scapha navis non est instrumentum navis ; etenim mediocritate, non genere
αὐ ea differt ; instrumentum autem cuiusque rei necesse est alterius generis esse atque
ea queque sit; quod Pomponio placuit, cf. xxi. 2. 44 and vi. 1. 3. Thus, as a rule,
_ every ship had one boat and no more: but there were exceptions to this rule.
Strabo, ii. 3. 4, κατασκευάσασθαι πλοῖον μέγα καὶ ἐφόλκια δύο λέμβοις λῃστρικοῖς
ὅμοια. Athenzeos, v. 43, ἐφόλκια δ᾽ ἦσαν αὐτῇ τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κέρκουρος, κιτιλ. The
Romar war-ships had boats as well as the merchant-ships: see Czesar, de bello
Gallico, iv. 26, de bello civili, ii. 43, iii. 24, 62, 101, and Aulus Hirtius, de bello
_ Alexandrino, 46.

—«- ®7_- Acts, xxvii. 16, νησίον δέ τι ὑποδραμόντες, καλούμενον Καῦδα, ἰσχύσαμεν
μόλις περικρατεῖς γενέσθαι τῆς σκάφης" ἣν ἄραντες κιτ.Ὰ. 30, τῶν δὲ ναυτῶν ζητούντων
φυγεῖν ἐκ τοῦ πλοίου καὶ χαλασάντων τὴν σκάφην εἰς τὴν θάλασσαν ol giant ws ἐκ
᾿ πρῴρης ἀγκύρας μελλόντων ἐκτείνειν,...32, τότε ἀπέκοψαν οἱ στρατιῶται τὰ σχοινία
τῆς σκάφης, καὶ εἴασαν αὐτὴν ἐκπεσεῖν. cf. Paulinus Nolanus, epistole, 49. 1,
_rumpentibus (anchorarum) vinculis naute exterriti scaphulam demiserunt ; vel ut
navi fortius continende renovatis et altius stabilitis anchoris subvenirent, vel ut
seipsos, si possent, a discrimine navis eriperent. Agathias, iii. 21, νῆες δὲ poprides
᾿ μεγάλαι μετεώρους εἶχον τὰς ἀκάτους, καὶ ἀμφ᾽ αὐτὰ δήπου τὰ καρχήσια τῶν ἱστῶν
᾿ ἀνιμηθείσας καὶ βεβαιότατα αἰωρουμένας" ἄνω δὲ στρατιῶται εἱστήκεσαν, cf. 28, τῶν δὲ
Ταῖς ἀκάτοις ἐφεστηκότων.

104 THE SHIP’S BOAT.

instead of always towing it astern: and on the Roman
merchant-ships of about 200 A.D. in fgs. 29 and 31 the
halyards of the artemon, or bowsprit, seem to be attached to
something like a boat. It was now the custom to have one of
the crew constantly on duty in the boat, when towing astern,
in order to keep her under control and free from water™.

#28 Petronius, satire, 102, guin potius, inguam ego, ad temeritatem confugimus
et per funem lapst descendimus in scapham precisoque vinculo reliqua fortune
committimus ?...nunc per puppim, per ipsa gubernacula delabendum est, a quorum
regione funis descendit qui scaphe custodiam tenet. preterea illud miror, Encolpi,
tibi non succurrisse, unum nautam stationis perpetue interdiu noctuque tacere in
scapha, nec posse inde custodem nist aut cede expelli aut precipitari viribus. quod
an fieri possit, interrogate audaciam vestram. Gregory the Great, dialogi, iv. 57,
ὁ ναύτης δὲ αὐτοῦ, Bdpaxos ὀνόματι, ἐκυβέρνα τὸν κάραβον ὄπισθεν τοῦ πλοίου" τοῦ δὲ
σχοινίου κοπέντος, ἅμα τῷ καράβῳ ὃν ἐκυβέρνα ὑψωθείς, ἐν τοῖς κύμασιν ἀφανὴς ἐγένετο.
The Rhodian Law, in the Basilics, 1111. 8. 46, ἐὰν κάραβος, ἀπὸ ἰδίου πλοίου τὰ
σχοινία διαῤῥήξας, ἀπόληται ἅμα τοῖς ἐμπλέουσιν ἐν αὐτῷ, ἐὰν οἱ ἐμπλέοντες ἀπό-
λωνται ἢ ἀποθάνωσι, τὸν μισθὸν τὸν ἐνιαυσιαῖον ἀποδιδότω ὁ ναύκληρος εἰς πλῆρες τοῦ
ἐνιαυτοῦ τοῖς τῶν ναυτῶν κληρονόμοις.

APPENDIX.

Actuarta, "Axarot.

_ These were small craft of all sorts. They were classed together in this fashion
| compliance with a notion that ships might roughly be divided into three classes,
men-of-war or long ships, merchant-men or round ships, and these boats or little
Thucydides, vii. 59, ἔκλῃον οὖν τόν τε λιμένα εὐθὺς τὸν μέγαν τριήρεσι
γλαγίαις καὶ πλοίοις καὶ ἀκάτοις, ἐπ᾿ ἀγκυρῶν ὁρμίζοντες, κιτ.λ.-Ξ- Diodoros, xiii. 14,
ἰκάτους τε γὰρ καὶ τριήρεις, ἔτι δὲ στρογγύλας ναῦς ἐπ᾽ ἀγκυρῶν ὁρμίσαντες.
Pl utarch, de tranquillitate animi, 3, ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οἱ δειλοὶ καὶ ναυτιῶντες ἐν τῷ
τλεῖν, εἶτα ῥᾷον οἰόμενοι διάξειν, ἐὰν εἰς γαῦλον ἐξ ἀκάτου, καὶ πάλιν ἐὰν εἰς Tpvipn
ἱεταβῶσιν, οὐδὲν περαίνουσι. Pindar, Nemea, v. 5, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ πάσας ὁλκάδος ἔν τ᾽
ἰκάτῳ, γλυκεῖ" dovdd. Thus the ἄκατοι were distinguished from merchant- -ships of
very sort, and also from the three-banked ships, which were the typical war-
hips. And this distinction was based upon their size; for at the time when
he Athenian three-banked ships carried two masts—see note 181 on p. 83—these
asts were styled ἱστὸς μέγας and ἱστὸς ἀκάτειος respectively, as though ἀκάτειος
ely denoted inferiority in size. cf. Theophrastos, historia plantarum, v. 7. 2,
» δὲ τρόπιν (ποιοῦσι) τριήρει μὲν δρυίνην, ταῖς δὲ ὁλκάσι πευκίνην, ταῖς δὲ ἐλάττοσιν
Ἰξυίνην, where ἀκάτοις is replaced by ἐλάττοσιν.
_ Aulus Hirtius, de bello Alexandrino, 44, am cum ipse (Vatinius) paucas
nm portu naves longas haberet, navibus actuariis, gquarum numerus erat satis
magnus, magnitudine quamguam non satis usta ad praliandum, rostra imposuit.
sisenna, apud Nonium, p. 535, guibus occisis, actuarias ad viginti navis, item
conplures onerartas incendunt. Marcellus, in the Pandects, xlix. 15. 2, mavibus
is atgue onerariis propter belli usum postliminium est: non piscatoriis, aut si
actuarias voluptatis causa paraverunt. Thus the actuaria, like the ἄκατοι,
ere distinguished from the merchant-ships and from the war-ships; and Aulus
Hirtius implies that the distinction was based upon their size.
There is plainly an error in the current reading of Livy, xxxviii. 38, ‘radito
ὁ naves longas armamentaque earum: neve plures quam decem naves actuarias,
juarum nulla plus quam triginia remis agatur, habeto: neve monerem ex belli
ay quod ipse illaturus erit=Polybios, xxii. 26, ἀποδότω δὲ καὶ τὰς vais τὰς
aK pas “καὶ τὰ ἐκ τούτων ἄρμενα καὶ τὰ σκεύη" καὶ μηκέτι ἐχέτω πλὴν δέκα κατα-
"ν" μηδὲ τριακοντάκωπον ἐχέτω, μηδὲ ἐλαυνόμενον πολέμου ἕνεκεν, οὗ ἂν αὐτὸς

106 APPENDIX.

κατάρχῃ, where both authors are quoting from the treaty of 189 B.c. In quoting
from the treaty of 197 B.c. Livy says maves tectas, xxxiii. 30, while Polybios sa
καταφράκτους vais, xviii. 27; so that in quoting from this treaty of 189 B.c.
must have said decem naves tectas habeto: neve actuarias. Consequently, the
passage will not identify the actuarie with the κατάφρακτοι but will only shew ἢ
that these vessels often carried more than thirty oars. The term actuarius had a
diminutive ac/uariolus ; and this is applied to some ten-oared vessels by Cicero, ad
Atticum, xvi. 3. 6, comscendens ὁ Pompeiano tribus actuariolis decemscalmis.
The term ἄκατος could be applied to vessels that were small enough for the
oars to be sculled in pairs, or to vessels that were large enough to require fifty
rowers. Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, vi. 4. 6, καὶ rods ἐξ ἀκάτων
διχθαδίους ἐρέτας. cf. vii. 464. 1, ix. 242. 8, 279. 1, where Charon’s boat is
styled an dxaros. Lucian, vere historiz, i. 5, πεντήκοντα δὲ τῶν ἡλικιωτῶν προσ-
ἐποιησάμην τὴν αὐτὴν ἐμοὶ γνώμην ἔχοντας, καὶ κυβερνήτην τὸν ἄριστον μισθῷ μεγάλῳ
πείσας παρέλαβον, καὶ τὴν ναῦν---ἄκατος δὲ ἦν---ὼς πρὸς μέγαν καὶ βίαιον πλοῦν
ἐκρατυνάμην. Apparently, the diminutive term ἀκάτιον could not be applied to _
such large vessels as those of fifty oars. Polybios, i. 73, παρεσκεύαζον δὲ καὶ τὰ
περιλιπῆ τῶν πλοίων, τριήρεις, καὶ πεντηκυντόρους, καὶ τὰ μέγιστα τῶν ἀκατίων. '
This term was used in speaking of vessels that were carried about in carts or on .
men’s shoulders. Thucydides, iv. 67, ἀκάτιον ἀμφηρικὸν ws λῃσταὶ εἰώθεσαν ἐπὶ
ἁμάξῃ διὰ τῆς τάφρου κατακομίζειν τῆς νυκτὸς ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἐκπλεῖν.
Plutarch, Lucullus, 9, τῆς δὲ Δασκυλίτιδος λίμνης πλεομένης ἀκατίοις ἐπιεικῶς ;
εὐμεγέθεσι, τὸ μέγιστον αὐτῶν ὁ Λούκουλλος ἀνελκύσας καὶ διαγωγὼν ἁμάξῃ πρὸς τὴν
θάλατταν ὅσους ἐχώρει στρατιώτας ἐνεβίβασεν. See also Strabo, xi. 2. 12, quoted ©
in the note on camare on p. 107. But the diminutive was not indispentaa
Agathias, ili. 20, τὰς ἀκάτους, ὁπόσας ἐφ᾽ ἁμαξῶν ἐπήγετο, és τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμβαλών.
In common parlance the term ἄκατος was used as vaguely as deat is used in
English. Theognis, 457—459, οὔτοι σύμφορόν ἐστι γυνὴ νέα ἀνδρὶ γέροντι" | ob
γὰρ πηδαλίῳ πείθεται ὡς ἄκατος, | οὐδ᾽ ἄγκυραι ἔχουσιν. Critias, apud Athenzeum,
i. 50, Θήβη δ᾽ ἁρματόεντα δίφρον συνεπήξατο πρώτη" | φορτηγοὺς δ᾽ ἀκάτους Κᾶρες,
ἁλὸς ταμίαι. Herodotos, vii. 186, τοὺς ἐν ταῖσι σιταγωγοῖσι ἀκάτοισι ἐόντας Ξε
vii. 184, τῶν σιταγωγῶν πλοίων καὶ ὅσοι ἐνέπλωον τούτοισι. Diodoros, xvii. 116,
καὶ πλέοντος μετὰ τῶν φίλων ἕν τισιν ἀκάτοις, ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας μέν τινας ἀποσχισθείσης
τῆς νεὼς ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων σκαφῶν, ἐπλανήθη μόνος, κιτιλ. The diminutive term |
ἀκάτιον was used in the same vague way. Dion Chrysostom, oratio 72, p. 628,
ὥστε Kal ἐφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἴσως ῥηθῆναι εἰκότως, ὅτι πλεῖ πάντα ὁμοίως ἀκάτια Kal πᾶσα
βοῦς ἀροτριᾷᾳ. And so also acatium in Latin. Pliny, ix. 40, navigeram similitu-—
dinemvet aliam in Propontide visam sibi prodidit Mutianus: concham esse acatit
modo carinatam, inflexa puppe, prora rostrata: in hac condi nauplium, where : :
the phrase acatit modo carinatam merely expresses the fact that there was a ridge
along the shell like the keel of a boat. It was clearly for a joke that the name
Acatus was given to the great ship that brought the Flaminian obelisk to ine ἐξ ᾿
see note 71 on p. 27. .

Barides, Βαριδες.

This term could be. applied to ships or boats of any sort, provided that they
hailed from Egypt or some other foreign country. ‘
“Eschylos, Perse, 552,553, Ξέρξης δὲ πάντ᾽. éréore δυσφρόνως | βαρίδεσσ.

TYPES OF SHIPS. 107

movriats, 1074, 1075, τρισκάλμοισι | βάρισιν ὀλόμενοι, é.e. τριήρεσιν. Euripides,
Iphigeneia in Aulide, 297, βαρβάρους βάριδας. AXschylos, supplices, 874, Αἰγυπτίαν
yap βᾶριν οὐχ ὑπερθορεῖ, cf. 836, 882. Propertius, iii. 11. 44, baridos et contis
vostra Liburna segut. ‘The allusion is to Cleopatra’s ships at the battle of
Actium. Herodotos, ii. 96, τοῦτο yap δὴ οὔνομά ἐστι τοῖσι πλοίοισι τούτοισι, sc.
βᾶρις. He is speaking here of trading-vessels on the Nile: see also ii. 41, 179.
Diodoros, i. 96, συμφωνεῖν δὲ καὶ τἄλλα τὰ παρὰ τοῖς “λλησι καθ᾽ “Avdov μυθολο-
γούμενα τοῖς ἔτι νῦν γινομένοις κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον" τὸ μὲν γὰρ διακομίζον τὰ σώματα
πλοῖον βᾶριν καλεῖσθαι, κιτ.λ. cf. Leonidas of Tarentum, in the Anthology, vii.
67, ᾿Αίδεω λυπηρὲ διηκόνε, τοῦτ᾽ ᾿Αχέροντος ὕδωρ ὃς πλώεις πορθμίδι κυανέῃ, | δέξαι
μ᾽, εἰ καί σοι μέγα βρίθεται ὀκρυόεσσα | βᾶρις, ἀποφθίμενον, τὸν κύνα Διογένην.
The word was éarit, dari, or baair in Egyptian.

Camara, Kapapau.

__ These were boats of very light build, holding twenty-five to thirty men apiece.
_ The stern was like the stem, and the oars were arranged for rowing either way.
The bottom was rather flat, and the sides were so low that temporary bulwarks
were needed in rough weather. These vessels were in use on the Black Sea
in the First Century A.D.

Strabo, xi. 2. 12, ζῶσι δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν κατὰ θάλατταν λῃστηρίων, ἀκάτια ἔχοντες
λεπτά, στενὰ καὶ κοῦφα, ὅσον ἀνθρώπους πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι δεχόμενα, σπάνιον δὲ
τριάκοντα δέξασθαι τοὺς πάντας δυνάμενα " καλοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτὰ οἱ “Ἕλληνες καμάρας.......
ἐπανιόντες δὲ εἰς τὰ οἰκεῖα χωρία, ναυλοχεῖν οὐκ ἔχοντες, ἀναθέμενοι τοῖς ὥμοις τὰς
καμάρας ἀναφέρουσιν ἐπὶ τοὺς δρυμούς, ἐν οἷσπερ καὶ οἰκοῦσι, λυπρὰν ἀροῦντες
γῆν" καταφέρουσι δὲ πάλιν, ὅταν ἢ καιρὸς τοῦ πλεῖν. τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ ποιοῦσι καὶ
ἐν τῇ ἀλλοτρίᾳ. ‘Tacitus, historize, iii. 47, camaras vocant artis latertbus latam
aloum sine vinculo @ris aut ferri conexam: et tumido mari, prout fluctus
attollitur, summa navium tabulis augent, donec in modum tecti claudantur.
Sic inter undas volvuntur, pari utrimque prora et mutabilt remigio, quando
hinc vel illinc appellere indiscretum et innoxium est. By thus contrasting the
ldatam alvum with the artis lateribus Tacitus implies that the bottom was broad
considering the height of the sides, not ghat it was broad considering the size
of the boat: so he hardly contradicts Strabo’s statement that these boats were
narrow.

Κάνθαροι, Κυκνοκάνθαροι, Κύκνοι.

These were merchant-ships of types that were in vogue among the Greeks in
the Fourth and Fifth Centuries B.c. The κυκνοκάνθαροι were presumably of a
type between the κάνθαροι and the κύκνοι.

Nicostratos, apud Athenzeum, xi. 48, A. ἡ ναῦς δὲ πότερ᾽ εἰκόσορός ἐστιν, ἢ
κύκνος, | ἢ κάνθαρος ; τουτὶ γὰρ ἐὰν πύθωμ᾽ ὅ τι, | αὐτὸς περανῶ τὰ πάντ᾽. Β. ἀμέλει
κυκνοκάνθαρος. This indicates that these vessels all resembled an εἰκόσορος, and
an εἰκόσορος was usually a large merchant-ship with twenty oars for auxiliary
work: see note 51 on p. 20. Ships termed xdv@apo are also mentioned by
Sosicrates, ibid., λεπτὴ δὲ κυρτοῖς ἐγγελῶσα κύμασιν | αὔρα, κόρη Σκείρωνος, ἡσύχῳ
ποδὶ | προσῆγε πράως καὶ καλῶς τὸν κάνθαρον. Again by Menander, ibid., A.
ὡς ἐς καλὸν | τὸν υἱὸν εὐτυχοῦντα καὶ σεσωσμένον | πρῶτος λέγω σοι, τόν τε

108 APPENDIX.

χρυσοῦν κάνθαρον. | Β. ποῖον ; A. τὸ πλοῖον " οὐδὲν οἶσθας, ἄθλιε. | B. τὴν ναῦν
σεσῶσθαί μοι λέγεις; A. ἔγωγε μὴν | τὴν ναῦν ἐκείνην, ἣν ἐποίησε Καλλικλῆς | ὁ
Καλύμνιος, Εὐφράνωρ δ᾽ ἐκυβέρνα Θούριος. And by Aristophanes, pax, 143,

τὸ δὲ πλοῖον ἔσται Ναξιουργὴς κάνθαρος. But there is not any further mention οὔ

ships termed κύκνοι or κυκνοκάνθαροι.

Caudicarie or Codicariae.

This name was given to vessels plying on the Tiber, and hence to those on
other rivers. It was reputed to be an early Latin name for boats or ships.

Seneca, de brevitate vitee, 13, hoc guogue querentibus remittamus, quis Romanis
primus persuaserit navem conscendere? Claudius ts fuit, Caudex ob hoc ipsum
appellatus, quia plurium tabularum contextus caudex apud antiquos vocatur, unde
publice tabule codices dicuntur et naves nunc quoque, que ex antiqua consuetudine
commeatus per Tiberim subvehunt, codicarie vocantur. Varro, apud Nonium,
Ρ- 535» guod antigui pluris tabulas coniunctas codices dicebant ; a quo in Tiberi
navis codicarias appellamus. The boatmen on the Tiber are mentioned frequently:
e.g. Corp. Inscr. Latin. vol. xiv, no. 131, 1. 7, codicari nabiculari, no. 170, 1. 10,
codicarti navicularii, no. 4234, 1. 5, codicarius, vol. vi, no. 1759, 1. 15, caudicarits.
Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 535, guam maxims itineribus per regnum Ariobarzants

contendit ad flumen Euphraten qua in parte Cappadocia ab Armenia diiungitur ;—

naves codicaria, occulte per hiemem fabricate, aderant. Ausonius, idyllia, 10. 197,
navita caudiceo fluitans super equora lembo. ‘This refers to the Moselle.

At Ostia, near the mouth of the Tiber, there was a guild of these boatmen
with the title of corpus splendedissimum codicariorum : see Corp. Inscr. Latin. vol.
xiv, no. 4144, 1. 12..

wa : Fy
Celoces, KéAnres, Κελήτια.

These were small vessels built especially for speed, and hence styled race-
horses. ‘They served for carrying reports and orders and despatches, and taking
officers. of rank from place to place ; and generally discharged the duties that are
now allotted to a despatch-boat or admiral’s-yacht. They were in use in most
navies in the first five centuries B.C.

Thucydides, iv. 120, ἀποστᾶσι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὁ Βρασίδας διέπλευσε νυκτὸς ἐς τὴν
Σκιώνην, τριήρει μὲν φιλίᾳ προπλεούσῃ, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐν κελητίῳ ἄποθεν ἐφεπόμενος, ὅπως
εἰ μέν τινι τοῦ κέλητος μείζονι πλοίῳ περιτυγχάνοι, ἡ τριήρης ἀμύνοι αὐτῷ, ἀντιπάλου
δὲ ἄλλης τριήρους ἐπιγενομένης οὐ πρὸς τὸ ἔλασσον νομίζων τρέψεσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὴν

ναῦν, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ αὑτὸν διασώσειν. There is clearly an error here, κέλητος for

κελητίου, or else κελητίῳ for κέλητι. The scholiast’s paraphrase makes the vessel
a κελήτιον in both instances; so his reading was κελητίου.ι. Polybios, v. 94, αὖθις

δ᾽ ὑποστρέψας, ἔπλευσε πρὸς Χάλκειαν " τῶν δ᾽ ἐκβοηθησάντων, ἐκυρίευσε δύο μακρῶν

πλοίων αὐτάνδρων " ἔλαβε δὲ καὶ κέλητα περὶ τὸ Ῥίον Αἰτωλικὸν ὁμοῦ τῷ πληρώματι. 3
Livy, xxi. 17, maves longe centum sexaginta, celoces duodecim. So the κέλητες were Γ
reckoned among the Small craft in ἃ fleet. Polybios elsewhere speaks of them as :

vessels of a single bank, v. 62, καὶ πλοῖα τετταράκοντα" τούτων κατάφρακτα μὲν
εἴκοσι διαφέροντα ταῖς κατασκευαῖς, ἐν ols οὐδὲν ἔλαττον ἦν τετρήρους᾽ τὰ δὲ λοιπά,

τριήρεις καὶ δίκροτα καὶ κέλητες, cf. Fr. 132, apud Suidam, s.v. ὑπερισθμίσας :---ταχὺ |

δέ, τοὺς κέλητας καὶ τὰς ἡμιολίας ὑπερισθμίσας, ἀνήχθη. Nor is he really contra-

Le” mc ἃ δ αν ee ee ὰν. ὦ ....

νι,

“ἡ why

TYPES OF SHIPS. 109

dicted herein by Ephippos, apud Athenzeum, viii. 38, πέντε κέλητας πεντεσκάλ-
μους. At this time the compounds formed from σκαλμός were used in reckoning
the tholes vertically, and thus marked the number of banks of oars in a ship; so
that πεντέσκαλμος denoted a ship of five banks, just as τρίσκαλμος denoted a ship
of three banks: Atschylos, Persze, 679, 680, ἐξέφθινθ᾽ αἱ τρίσκαλμοι | νᾶες ἄναες,
1074, 1075, τρισκάλμοισι | βάρισιν ὀλόμενοι, cf. Polybios, xvi. 3, ταύτῃ δοῦσα πληγὴν
βιαίαν κατὰ μέσον τὸ κῦτος ὑπὸ τὸν θρανίτην σκαλμόν, where Opavirns σκαλμός must
refer to the upper bank. But the verse occurs in a passage where Ephippos is
mercilessly ridiculing the ostentation of Alexander the Great; and his statement
that the king’s κέλητες had five banks of oars—the largest number then in use—
must not be taken a whit more seriously than the rest of his exaggerations.
Thucydides, iv. 9, οὐ yap ἦν ὅπλα ἐν χωρίῳ ἐρήμῳ πορίσασθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ ταῦτα
ἐκ λῃστρικῆς Μεσσηνίων τριακοντόρου καὶ κέλητος ἔλαβον, ot ἔτυχον παραγενόμενοι "
ὁπλῖταί τε τῶν Μεσσηνίων τούτων ὡς τεσσαράκοντα ἐγένοντο. Fully thirty of these
men would be needed for the τριακόντορος, leaving barely ten for the κέλης.
A four-oared κελήτιον is mentioned by Appian, de bellis civilibus, ii. 56,
κελήτιον ὀξὺ καὶ κυβερνήτην τὸν ἄριστον ἔμελλον ἑτοιμάσειν, for the number of
oars is fixed by Velleius, ii. 43, guattuor scalmorum navem una cum duobus
amicis decemque servis ingressus= Plutarch, Cesar, 38, els πλοῖον ἐμβὰς τὸ μέγεθος
δωδεκάσκαλμον, where the assertion that the boat was large enough for twelve oars
seems to be based upon the story that Czesar had twelve companions on this
voyage. A two-oared κελήτιον is mentioned by Synesios, epistole, p. 165, ἧκεν ἐπὶ
κελητίου δισκάλμουι At this time the:compounds formed from σκαλμός were used
in reckoning the tholes horizontally, and thus marked the number of oars in a
ship of a single bank. They are used in this sense by Cicero, ad Atticum, xvi. 3. 6,

_tribus actuariolis decemscalmis, de oratore, i. 38, quorum scalmorum naviculam.

And apparently also by Diodoros, xl. 1, δόγμα ἔγραψαν ὅπως οἱ Κρῆτες πάντα τὰ
πλοῖα ἕως τετρασκάλμου ἀναπέμψωσιν els Ρώμην, and by Plutarch, Aimilius Paulus,
6, Tas δὲ ναῦς ἁπάσας ἀφείλετο καὶ πλοῖον οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς τρισκάλμου μεῖζον ἀπέλιπε,
cf. Theseus, 19, δόγμα κοινὸν ἦν Ελλήνων μηδεμίαν ἐκπλεῖν τριήρη μηδαμόθεν ἀνδρῶν

“πέντε πλείονας δεχομένην, where τριήρης refers to fighting-ships of any sort.

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 36, τῷ δ᾽ ᾿Ετεονίκῳ ὁ ὑπηρετικὸς κέλης πάντα
ἐξήγγειλε τὰ περὶ τὴν ναυμαχίαν. cf. Herodotos, viii. 94, for the story of a κέλης
bringing a message θείῃ πομπῇ. Thucydides, i. 53, ἔδοξεν οὖν αὐτοῖς ἄνδρας és
κελήτιον ἐμβιβάσαντες ἄνευ κηρυκείου προσπέμψαι τοῖς ᾿Αθηναίοις. viii. 38, Θηριμένης
μέν, παραδοὺς ᾿Αστυόχῳ τὰς ναῦς, ἀποπλέων ἐν κέλητι ἀφανίζεται. Appian, de
bello Mithridatico, 33, ἐς κελήτιον ἐνέβη, καὶ ναῦν ἐκ νεώς, ἵνα λάθοι, διαμείβων, ἐπ᾽
᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἐφέρετο, sc. Λούκουλλοςς. The κέλητες and κελήτια, or other vessels
doing the same work, were often described simply as ὑπηρετικά. Polyzenos, i.
38. 4, Βρασίδας νυκτὸς ἐπιπλέων Σκιώνῃ, τριήρη φιλίαν προπλεῖν ἔταξεν, αὐτὸς
δὲ ἐν ὑπηρετικῷ κατόπιν elrero= Thucydides, iv. 120, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐν κελητίῳ ἄποθεν
ἐφεπόμενος. Plutarch, Demosthenes, 29, διαπλεύσας ὑπηρετικοῖς καὶ ἀποβὰς μετὰ
Θρᾳκῶν δορυφόρων, Lysander, 10, πέμπων δὲ ὑπηρετικὰ παρὰ τὰς πρώτας τῶν νεῶν
ἀτρεμεῖν éxéXeve καὶ μένειν ἐν τάξει. Demosthenes, in Polyclem, 46, ἀφικνεῖται
ὑπηρετικόν, ἄγον ἄνδρα καὶ ἐπιστολάς. Polyzenos, iii. 9. 36, ὑπηρετικὸν ἐκπέμψας
(Ἰφικράτης) κομίζον ἐπιστολὴν πεπλασμένην. AEschines, de falsa legatione, 73,
οὕτω δ᾽ ἦν σφαλερὰ καὶ ἐπικίνδυνα τὰ πράγματα, ὥστε ἠναγκάσθη γράψαι ψήφισμα
Κηφισοφῶν ὁ Παιανιεὺς ἐκπλεῖν τὴν ταχίστην ᾿Αντίοχον τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν ὑπηρετικῶν καὶ

ΤῸ APPENDIX.

ζητεῖν τὸν στρατηγὸν τὸν ἐπὶ τῇ δυνάμει τεταγμένον. This last passage shews
that in the Athenian navy these ὑπηρετικά formed a distinct class under one

command. They are presumably the same as the ἄκατοι δημόσιαι of the inven- —
tories: Corp. Inscr. Attic. vol. ii, no. 808, col. d, Il. 74, 75, ἐπὶ τὰς ἀκάτους τὰς

δημοσίας, πηδάλια, And these are termed celoces publice by Plautus, captivi, —

iv. 2. g2—94, nam filium | tuom modo in portu Philopolemum vivom salvom
et sospitem | vidi in publica celoce, cf. miles gloriosus,.iv. τ. 39, h@c celox iliust
que hinc egreditur internuntia.

The celoces are mentioned also by Ennius, apud Isidorum, origines, xix. 1. 22,
labitur uncta carina per equora cana celocis, by Turpilius, apud Nonium, p. 533,
remulis sensim celox ab oppido processerat, by Varro, ibid., naute remivagam movent
celocem, and procella frigida ne obruat celocem, by Livy, xxxvii. 27, piraticas celoces
et lembos, and perhaps by Velleius, ii. 73, 21γαϊζεῖς celetibus or sceleribus. And
there are puns on the name: Plautus, Pseudolus, v. 2. 12, unde onustam celocem
agere te predicem, asinaria, ii. 1. 10, guo hanc celocem conferam, Poenulus, iii. 1. 40;
obsecro, hercle, operam celocem hanc mihi, ne corbitam, date.

Pliny, vii. 57, celetem (invenerunt) Rhodit. Possibly these Rhodian ‘race-
horses’ were evolved from the Phoenician ‘horses’ mentioned on p. 113. As to
the live race-horses of this name, see Pausanias, v. 8. 8, vi. 12. 1, and Pliny,
XXXIV. IO.

Cercuri, Képxovpot.

These were vessels of a type that was equally suitable for warfare and for

commerce. They were in use throughout the Mediterranean from the beginning —

of the Fifth Century to the middle of the First Century B.c. The war-ships of this

type were small, but the merchant-ships were occasionally of considerable size.
Herodotos, vii. 89, τῶν δὲ τριηρέων ἀριθμὸς μὲν ἐγένετο ἑπτὰ καὶ διηκόσιαι καὶ

χίλιαι, 97. τριηκόντεροι δὲ καὶ πεντηκόντεροι καὶ κέρκουροι καὶ ἱππαγωγά, πλοῖα

σμικρὰ συνελθόντα ἐς τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐφάνη τρισχίλια. That refers to the Persian fleet —

in 480 B.c. Αὐτίδῃ, anabasis, vi. 2, ἦν δὲ τὸ ξύμπαν πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν, τριακόντεροι
μὲν ἐς ὀγδοήκοντα, τὰ δὲ πάντα πλοῖα σὺν τοῖς ἱππαγωγοῖς καὶ κερκούροις καὶ ὅσα

ἄλλα ποτάμια οὐ πολὺ ἀποδέοντα τῶν δισχιλίων. That refers to Alexander’s fleet

on the Hydaspes in 327 B.c. Diodoros, xxiv. 1, Ῥωμαῖοι δὲ ναυσὶ μακραῖς
διακοσίαις τεσσαράκοντα καὶ κερκούροις ἑξήκοντα καὶ πλοίων πλήθει παντοδαπῶν
κατέπλευσαν εἰς τὴν Πάνορμον. This was in 250 B.c. Appian, de rebus Punicis,
75, ναυσὶ δὲ ἐφέροντο (ol Ρωμαῖοι) πεντήκοντα μὲν πεντήρεσιν, ἑκατὸν δ᾽ ἡμιολίαις,
ἀφράκτοις δὲ καὶ κερκούροις καὶ στρογγύλοις πολλοῖς. 121, καὶ ναυσὶ πεντήκοντα

μὲν τριηρετικαῖς, κερκούροις δὲ καὶ μυοπάρωσι καὶ ἄλλοις βραχυτέροις πολλοῖς ἐξέπλεον,

sc. οἱ Καρχηδόνιοι. This was in 149 B.C. and 146 B.c. Memnon, Fr. 37, apud
Photium, p. 232, Μιθριδάτης δὲ ἄλλον τε στρατὸν συχνὸν παρεσκευάζετο, Kal τριήρεις
μὲν τετρακόσιοι, τῶν δὲ μικροτέρων νηῶν πεντηκοντέρων τε͵ καὶ κερκούρων ἀριθμὸς

ἦν οὐκ ὀλίγος. This was in 74 B.C. Livy, xxxiii. 19, 2256 (Antiochus) cum

classe centum tectarum navium, ad hoc levioribus navigits cercurisque ac
lembis ducentis, proficiscitur. This was in 197 B.c. In all these instances the
cercurt are reckoned among the small craft in a fleet. Apparently, they were
faster than ships of the line. Livy, xxiii. 34, cercuros ad persequendam retrahen-
damque navem quum (Flaccus) misisset, primo fugere regit conati; deinde, ubi
celeritate victi cesserunt, tradunt se Romanis, etc. That was in 215 B.c.

= =

~— ἐγ

TYPES OF SHIPS. Il!

Plautus, mercator, i. 1. 87, 88, e@dificat navem cercurum et merces emit: |
| parata navi inponit, etc., Stichus, ii. 2. 42—45, dum percontor portitores, ecque
navis venerit | ex Asia, ac negant venisse, conspicatus sum interim | cercurum, quo
ego me maiorem non vidisse censeo. | in portum vento secundo, velo passo pervenit,
and then follows an account of the cargo. Athenzeos, v. 43, ἐφόλκια δ᾽ ἦσαν αὐτῇ,
τὸ μὲν πρῶτον κέρκουρος, τρισχίλια τάλαντα δέχεσθαι δυνάμενος" πᾶς δ᾽ ἦν οὗτος
ἐπίκωπος. A merchant-ship that carried 3000 talents, or 75 tons, was larger than
most war-ships: see note 78 on p. 30. The πᾶς seems to mean that the oars
were not merely auxiliary. The oars of a cercurus are noticed again by Lucilius,
_ apud Nonium, p. 533, @#ignets pedibus cercurum conferet equis. There is probably
a misreading, cercurum for cerycem, in another passage of Lucilius, ibid., ad regem
legatu’ Rhodum, Ecbatanam ac Babylonem | tbo ; cercurum sumam.

The name xépxovpos is perhaps an adaptation of the Phoenician word which
appears in Hebrew as 4irkdra@h: and the name of these ships would certainly be
Semitic in origin, if they really were invented in Cyprus, as Pliny asserts, vii. 57,
cercurum (invenerunt) Cyprit. The word hirkéréh is found in Isaiah, Ixvi. 20,
and is translated into English as στοῦ beast: but the Septuagint gives σκιάδιον,

_ which must denote a hood over a chariot, or else an umbrella.

' Corbite.

These were merchant-ships of great size. They were in use among the
Romans in the First and Second Centuries B.c.

Lucilius, apud Nonium, p. 533, muta homines portenta in Homeri versibw
ficta | monstra putant; quorum in primis Polyphemu’ ducentos | Cyclops longu’
pedes, et porro huic maiw bacillum | quam malus navis in corbita maximus ulla,
where the allusion is to the Odyssey, ix. 319, 322—324, Κύκλωπος γὰρ ἔκειτο μέγα
ῥόπαλον παρὰ σηκῷ...... ὅσσον θ᾽ ἱστὸν νηὸς ἐεικοσόροιο μελαίνης, | popridos, εὐρείης, 7
T ἐκπεράᾳ μέγα λαῖτμα" | τόσσον env μῆκος, τόσσον πάχος εἰσοράασθαι, so that
Lucilius means the largest merchant-ship imaginable. Cicero also speaks of a
corbita as a merchant-ship: ad Atticum, xvi. 6. 1, sed putabam, quum Rhegium
venissem, fore ut illic δολιχὸν πλόον ὁρμαίνοντες cogitaremus, corbitane Patras an
actuariolis ad Leucopetram Tarentinorum, ast inde Corcyram ; et, st oneraria,

᾿ς statimne freto an Syracusis. Being merchant-ships, these vessels had only auxiliary

᾿ς oars, and could therefore make little progress in a calm. Plautus, Poenulus, iii. 1.

3, 4, sicut ego hos duco advocatos, homines spissigradissumos, | tardiores quam
| corbite sunt in tranquillo mari, cf. 40, obsecro, hercle, operam celocem hance mihi, ne
_ corbitam, date. For the celoces see p. 108. There is a pun on cordis and cordita in

-Plautus, Casina, iv. 1. 20, 21, gnovi ego tllas ambas estrices ; corbitam cibi | comesse

_possunt, unless corbitam εἰδὴ should be read corbitant ubi.

Cybee.

These also were merchant-ships of great size. They were in use in Sicily in
the First Century B.c.

Cicero, in Verrem, ii. iv. 8, Seinebes rogatus de cybaa, tenetis memoria quid
responderit : edificatam publicis operis, publice coactis, eique edificande publice
Mamertinum senatorem prefuisse. 9, negent isti onerariam navem maximam

112 APPENDIX.

edificatam esse Messane? negent, si possint. negent ei navi faciunde senatorem —
Mamertinum publice prafuisse? utinam negent. 67, hec sum rogaturus. navem
populo Romano debeantne ? fatebuntur. prabuerintne pratore C. Verre? negabunt.
adificaverinine navem onerariam maximam publice, quam Verri dederunt? negare ;
non poterunt. cf. ii. v. 23, non populo Romano reddita biremis, sed pretori donata
cyb@a. These passages prove that a cyé@a was a merchant-ship: nor is the
contrary implied in ii. v. 17, mavem vero cybeam maximam, triremts instar,
pulcherrimam atque ornatissimam, palam edificatam sumptu publico, sciente Sicilia,
per magistratumque Mamertinum tibi datam donatamque esse dico. Cicero is
arguing here that Verres had not only procured a merchant-ship from the Mamer-
tines in place of a war-ship, but had made them build him a merchant-ship that
was as big as a war-ship of three banks, when they were not bound to provide a
war-ship of more than two banks.

The term cyéza may be equivalent to κυβαία or to κυπαία, the B and 7m inter-
changing easily. cf. Hesychios, 5. v. κύπαι :---εἶδός τι νεώς, where κύπαι is
probably a corruption of κυπαία.

Cymba, Κύμβαι.

These were vessels of a type invented in Phoenicia: but Latin authors applied
the name to any boat. :

Pliny, vii. 57, cymbam (invenerunt) Phenices. Sophocles, Andromeda, Fr. 2,
apud Athenzeum, xi. 64, ἵπποισιν ἢ κύμβαισι ναυστολεῖς χθόνα; The scene of the
play was laid in Phcenicia, so Sophocles was likely to select Phoenician types of
ships, and the ἵπποι certainly were Phoenician: see pp. 113, 114. ᾿

The name is common in Latin. Cicero, de officiis, iii. 14; Pliny, ix. 10, 12:
Seneca, epistolz, 51. 12; Lucan, iv. 136; Ovid, tristia, ii. 330, amores, iii. 6. 4,
metamorphoses, i. 293, fasti, vi. 777; Virgil, georgics, iv. 195, 506, Aineid, vi. 303 5
Horace, odes, ii. 3. 28; ids oper 111. 18. 24; Juvenal, ii. 151; etc.

"Exaxtpa, “Exaxtpides.

These were small vessels of a type that probably was meant for fishing, but
suitable also for some purposes in warfare.

Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 1. 11, ἐνταῦθα δὲ καὶ AXkiBiadns ἧκεν ἐκ τῶν Κλαζομενῶν, |
σὺν πέντε τριήρεσι καὶ ἐπακτρίδι. Agathias, iii. 21, ἐπακτρίδας τινὰς ἀμφιπρύμνους
δέκα πληρώσαντες. Nicander, theriaca, 823, 824, ἐπεὶ μογεροὺς ἁλιῆας | πολλάκις
ἐμβρύξασα κατεπρήνιξεν ἐπάκτρων, sc. μύραινα. The name seems to be connected
with ἐπακτήρ, a fisherman.

Aulus Gellius, x. 25, actuarie, gquas Greci ἱστιοκώπους vocant vel ἐπακτρίδας.
See p. 114 for the ἱστιόκωποι and p. 105 for the actuarie. No doubt, all ἐπακτρίδες.
were actuarieg : but Aulus Gellius cannot be right in asserting that all actuarie
were ἐπακτρίδες. The actwarie formed a large class which included the xéAnres,
and if the ἐπακτρίδες had been the same as the actwarfe, there could hardly have
been such vessels as ἐπακτροκέλητες.

᾿Επακτροκέλητες. $

These were vessels of a type between the ἐπακτρίδες and the κέλητες. Th
were in use among the Greeks in the Fourth Century B.C., especially for piracy. —

TYPES OF SHIPS. [13

Aristotle, de interpretatione, 2, gives ἐπακτροκέλης as an example of 2
compound name. The ships themselves are mentioned by Aéschines, in Timarchum,
101, ταῦτα πληροῖ τὰ λῃστήρια, ταῦτα els τὸν ἐπακτροκέλητα ἐμβιβάζει, and also by
Deinarchos : see Harpocration, 5. ν. ἐπακτροκέλης :--- Αἰσχίνης ἐν τῷ κατὰ Τιμάρχου.
εἶδος δ᾽ ἐστὶ πλοίου σύνθετον ἔχον τὴν κατασκευὴν ἔκ τε ἐπακτρίδος καὶ κέλητος. ἦν
δὲ ὡς ἐπίπαν λῃστρικόν, ὡς καὶ Δείναρχος ἐν τῇ κατὰ Πολυεύκτου δοκιμασίᾳ.

Ταῦλοι.

These were the great merchant-ships in which the Phcenicians made their
trading-voyages in the Mediterranean and Atlantic between the Third and the
Sixth Centuries B.c., and perhaps before and afterwards. The shape of the ships

is indicated by their name, for that was given to any tub.

Antiphanes, apud Athenzeum, xi. 102, A. γαύλους ὁλοχρύσους. B. πλοῖα ;

_ A. τοὺς κάδους μὲν οὖν | καλοῦσι γαύλους πάντας οἱ rpoydoropes. Aristophanes,

aves, 598, γαῦλον κτῶμαι καὶ ναυκληρῶ, scholion, Καλλίμαχος :---Κυπρόθε Σιδόνιός
με κατήγαγεν ἐνθάδε γαῦλος. Epicharmos, apud Athenzeum, vii. 114, αὐτὸς 6
Ποτιδὰν ἄγων γαύλοισιν ἐν Φοινικικοῖς | ἧκε καλλίστας σαγήνας. Herodotos, iii. 136,
καταβάντες δ᾽ οὗτοι ἐς Φοινίκην καὶ Φοινίκης ἐς Σιδῶνα πόλιν αὐτίκα μὲν τριήρεας δύο
ἐπλήρωσαν, ἅμα δὲ αὐτῇσι καὶ γαῦλον μέγαν παντοίων ἀγαθῶν. vi. 17, ὁ δὲ ἰθέως ὡς
εἶχε ἔπλωε ἐς Φοινίκην, γαύλους δὲ ἐνταῦθα καταδύσας καὶ χρήματα λαβὼν πολλὰ
ἔπλωε ἐς Σικελίην. viii. 97, ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα (Ξέρξης) χῶμα ἐπειρᾶτο διαχοῦν,
γαύλους τε Φοινικηίους συνέδεε, ἵνα ἀντί τε σχεδίης ἔωσι καὶ τείχεος, κιτιλ. Scylax,
periplus, 112, οἱ δὲ ἔμποροί εἰσι μὲν Φοίνικες" ἐπὰν δὲ ἀφίκωνται εἰς τὴν νῆσον τὴν
Κέρνην, τοὺς μὲν γαύλους καθορμίζουσιν, ἐν τῇ Κέρνῃ σκηνὰς ποιησάμενοι αὑτοῖς" τὸν
δὲ φόρτον ἐξελόμενοι αὐτοὶ διακομίζουσιν ἐν μικροῖς πλοίοις εἰς τὴν ἤπειρον. These
passages all date from before 250 Β.6., and the ships mentioned therein are all
Phoenician. The name-yaiXos occurs again in Plutarch, de tranquillitate animi, 3,
ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οἱ δειλοὶ καὶ vavridvres ἐν τῷ πλεῖν, εἶτα ῥᾷον οἰόμενοι διάξειν, ἐὰν εἰς
γαῦλον ἐξ ἀκάτου, καὶ πάλιν ἐὰν εἰς τριήρη μεταβῶσιν, οὐδὲν περαίνουσι. But this
does not prove conclusively that these vessels were still in use; for Plutarch may
here be quoting some old saying. The expression γαυλικὰ χρήματα or γαυλιτικὰ
χρήματα stands for cargo in Xenophon, anabasis, v. 8. 1, cf. v. 1. 11, 12, 15, 16;
and this indicates that the name γαῦλος might roughly be applied to any merchant-
ship.

The name was probably of Phcenician origin, and was perhaps derived

from gawa/; the island of Gozo, near Malta, being termed Ταῦλος in Greek and

Gawal in Phoenician: see Corp. Inscr. Semit. part i, no. 132, 1]. 1, 8, ‘am G(a)w(a)Z,

plebs Gaulitana.

LFTippi, Ἵπποι.

These were Phoenician merchant-ships with figure-heads of horses. They
came into use in Phoenicia in very early times ; but afterwards were only to be
found at Cadiz, where they were employed upon the fisheries along the African
coast outside the straits. Some of them were of considerable size ; and apparently
these could manage to double the Cape, for about 112 B.C. one of the typical
figure-heads was brought to Egypt from a wreck on the east coast of Africa, and
was attributed by experts to a ship from Cadiz.

7. ,

114 APPENDIX.

Strabo, ii. 3. 4, πάλιν οὖν (φησὶ ἸΠοσειδώνιος) καὶ ὑπὸ ταύτης (Κλεοπάτρας)
πεμφθῆναι τὸν Εὔδοξον μετὰ μείζονος παρασκευῆς. ἐπανιόντα δ᾽ ἀνέμοις παρενεχθῆναι
ὑπὲρ τὴν Αἰθιοπίαν" προσφερόμενον δέ τισι τόποις ἐξοικειοῦσθαι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους μετα-
δόσει σιτίων τε καὶ οἴνου καὶ παλαθίδων, ὧν ἐκείνοις οὐ μετῆν, ἀντὶ δὲ τούτων ὑδρείας
τε τυγχάνειν καὶ καθοδηγίας, ἀπογράφεσθαί τε τῶν ῥημάτων ἔνια. εὑρόντα δ᾽
ἀκρόπρῳρον ξύλινον ἐκ ναυαγίου ἵππον ἔχον ἐγγεγλυμμένον, πυθόμενον ὡς ἀπὸ
τῆς ἑσπέρας πλεόντων τινῶν εἴη τὸ ναυάγιον τοῦτο, κομίζειν αὐτὸ ἀναστρέψαντα πρὸς
τὸν οἰκεῖον πλοῦν. σωθέντα δ᾽ εἰς Αἴγυπτον, οὐκέτι τῆς Κλεοπάτρας ἡγουμένης, ἀλλὰ
τοῦ παιδός, ἀφαιρεθῆναι πάλιν πάντα" φωραθῆναι γὰρ νενοσφισμένον πολλά. τὸ δ᾽
ἀκρόπρῳρον προφέροντα ἐς τὸ ἐμπόριον, δεικνύναι τοῖς ναυκλήροις, γνῶναι δὲ Γαδειριτῶν
ὄν " τούτων γὰρ τοὺς μὲν ἐμπόρους μεγάλα στέλλειν πλοῖα, τοὺς δὲ πένητας μικρά, ἃ
καλεῖν ἵππους, ἀπὸ τῶν ἐν ταῖς πρῴραις ἐπισήμων" τούτους δὲ πλεῖν μέχρι τοῦ Λίξου
ποταμοῦ περὶ τὴν Μαρουσίαν ἁλιευομένους " ἀλλὰ τῶν δὴ ναυκλήρων τινὰς γνωρίσαι τὸ
ἀκρόπρῳρον ἑνὸς τῶν ἀπὸ τοῦ Λίξου ποταμοῦ ποῤῥώτερον πλευσάντων καὶ μὴ σωθέντων
ὑπάρξαν. ἐκ δὲ τούτου συμβαλόντα τὸν Εὔδοξον, ὡς δυνατὸς εἴη ὁ περίπλους ὁ Λιβυκός,
κιτιλ. cf. Pliny, ii. 67, ἐγ quo (sinu Arabico) signa navium ex Hispaniensibus
naufragits feruntur agnita, where he seems to be referring to the story of Eudoxos,
though he mentions a later date.

Pliny, vii. 57, onerariam Hippus Tyrius invenit, lembum Cyrenenses, cymbam
Phenices, celetem Rhodii, cercurum Cyprii. This can only mean that the Tyrians
introduced the merchant-ships called Horses. Sophocles, Andromeda, Fr. 2,
apud Athenzeum, xi. 64, ἵπποισιν ἢ κύμβαισι ναυστολεῖς χθόνα; Sophocles was
likely to select Phcenician types of ships, as the scene of the play was laid in
Phoenicia ; and these tro. and κύμβαι are the very ships that Pliny associates
with the Phcenicians. Moreover, some vessels with figure-heads of horses are
represented in Assyrian sculpture of about 700 B.C., as in fg. 9, and this indicates
that the type was indigenous in that part of the world.

But ships of any sort could be described in metaphor as horses. Odyssey, iv.
708, 709, νηῶν ὠκυπόρων ἐπιβαινέμεν, αἵθ᾽ ἁλὸς ἵπποι | ἀνδράσι γίγνονται. Plautus, ©
rudens, i. 5. 10, 11, 2empe eguo ligneo per vias cerulas | estis vecte? Thus, in the —
legend of the taking of Troy through the stratagem of the Wooden Horse, there is
perhaps a reminiscence of the capture of some seaport town by men concealed on
board a ship, which had unwarily been admitted within the harbour: cf. Lydos,
de mensibus, iv. 88, περὶ τοῦ δουρείου ἵππου ὁ Εἰὐὐφορίων φησὶ πλοῖον γενέσθαι τοῖς
Ἕλλησιν ἵππον λεγόμενον. And the winged horse Pegasos may represent a ship
with oars. Juvenal, iii. 117, 118, γέρα mutritus in illa, | ad quam Gorgonet delapsa
est pinna caballi, speaking of the river which flows through Tarsus. cf. Stephanos,
s.v. Tapobs :- -Αλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ Πολυίστωρ (Ταρσὸν καλεῖσθαί φησι) διὰ τὸ τὸν
Πήγασον ἵππον ἐκεῖ τὸν ταρσὸν κλάσαντα καὶ Βελλεροφόντην ἐν τῷ ᾿Αληίῳ πεδίῳ
πλανηθῆναι. For the term ταρσός and the metaphor of the oars and wings see
pp. 2, 3, 20 and note 52. The legend that Bellerophon tamed Pegasos at Corinth
may refer to the initiative of the Corinthians in building ships with oars: as to
which see p. 4.

e ’
Ἱστιοκωποι.

These were small vessels with a full complement of oars as well as sails. They
were known by this name in the Second Century A.D.

TYPES OF SHIPS. £18

Aulus Gellius, x. 25, actuarie, guas Greci ἱστιοκώπους vocant vel ἐπακτρίδας.
ef, Pollux, i. 103, ὁ ἐξ οὐρίας πλοῦς ἐστιν, εἰρεσίᾳ πλεῖν, ἀνέμῳ πλεῖν" εἴρηται δὲ καὶ
ἱστιοκώπῃ, ἀλλὰ βέλτιον εἰρεσίᾳ καὶ πνεύματι. Merchant-ships trusted mainly to
their sails and war-ships to their oars, and were thus distinguished from these
vessels which trusted equally to both. See p. 105 for the actuarig and p. 112 for
the ἐπακτρίδες.

Ὑπηρετικαά.

This name was given to the small craft in a fleet, or to any vessels in attendance
on others of larger size.

Diodoros, xx. 82, εἶχε δὲ (Δημήτριος) ναῦς μακρὰς μὲν παντοίας μεγέθει διακοσίας,
ὑπηρετικὰ δὲ πλείω τῶν ἑκατὸν ἑβδομήκοντα, xiii. 14, τριήρεις δὲ συνεπλήρωσαν (οἱ
Συρακόσιοι) ἑβδομήκοντα τέτταρας" συμπαρείποντό τε τὰς ὑπηρετικὰς ἔχοντες ναῦς
παῖδες ἐλεύθεροι - Plutarch, Nicias, 24, οὐκ αὐτοὶ μόνον ταῖς τριήρεσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ
παιδάρια πανταχόθεν ἐπιβαίνοντα τῶν ἁλιάδων καὶ ταῖς σκάφαις προσπλέοντα. See
also Aischines, de falsa legatione, 73, and other passages quoted in the note on
celoces on p. 109, especially Xenophon, Hellenica, i. 6. 36, ὑπηρετικὸς kéAns. Where
Diodoros says vais ὑπηρετικάς, xviii. 72, Polyzenos says ὑπηρεσίαν ναυτικήν, iv. 6.
8. The term ὑπηρετικὸν σκάφος is applied to a ship’s-boat by Heliodoros in the
passage quoted in note 226 on p. 103, and is applied to a lighter by Strabo, v. 3.
5, καὶ yap ἡ τῶν ὑπηρετικῶν σκαφῶν εὐπορία τῶν ἐκδεχομένων τὰ φορτία καὶ ἀντιφορ-
τιζόντων ταχὺν ποιεῖ τὸν ἀπόπλουν.

Lembi, Λέμβοι.

These were small vessels of a type that was invented or perfected by the
Illyrians in the Third Century B.c. They served for desultory warfare and for
piracy; and differed from the regular war-ships in being relatively of larger beam,
and carrying no ram.

Polybios, v. 109, Φίλιππος δὲ κατὰ τὴν παραχειμασίαν ἀναλογιζόμενος ὅτι πρὸς
τὰς ἐπιβολὰς αὐτοῦ χρεία πλοίων ἐστὶ καὶ τῆς κατὰ θάλατταν ὑπηρεσίας, καὶ ταύτης
οὐχ ὡς πρὸς ναυμαχίαν---τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἤλπισε δυνατὸς εἶναι, “Ῥωμαίοις
διαναυμαχεῖν ---ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ἕως τοῦ παρακομίζειν στρατιώτας, καὶ θᾶττον διαίρειν οὗ
πρόθοιτο, καὶ παραδόξως ἐπιφαίνεσθαι τοῖς πολεμίοις" διόπερ, ὑπολαβὼν ἀρίστην εἶναι
πρὸς ταῦτα τὴν τῶν Ἰλλυριῶν ναυπηγίαν, ἑκατὸν ἐπεβάλετο λέμβους κατασκευάζειν,
cf. ττο. This was in 216 B.c. See also Polybios, ii. 3, 6, 8—r12, iv. 16, 19, 29,
V. 4, 95, 101, Livy, xxxi. 45, xxxii. 21, xxxviii. 7, xlii. 48, xliv. 30, xlv. 43, and
Appian, de rebus Illyricis, 7, for λέμβοι in Illyrian fleets; and Polybios, xvi. 2,
4—7, xvii. 1, and Livy, xxxii. 32, xliv. 28, xlv. 10, 31, for λέμβοι in Macedonian
fleets. These instances all fall between 231 and 168 B.c. Also see Livy, xxxiii.
19, xxxiv. 35, xxxv. 26, for λέμβοι in Syrian and Spartan fleets at that period;
Polybios, i. 20, 53, for λέμβοι in Roman fleets a little before; and Diodoros xx. 85,
for λέμβοι at the siege of Rhodes in 304 B.c. Polybios also speaks of some vessels
on the Rhone as λέμβοι, iii. 42, 43, 46; but Livy abstains from rendering this by
lembi, xxi. 26—28, and calls them simply maves or naves actuaria.

The λέμβοι were always reckoned among the small craft in a fleet. Polybios,
i. 20, οὐχ οἷον κατάφρακτος αὐτοῖς ὑπῆρχε ναῦς, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ καθόλου μακρὸν πλοῖον,
οὐδὲ λέμβος οὐδὲ εἷς, xvi. 2, κατάφρακτοι τρεῖς καὶ πεντήκοντα, σὺν δὲ τούτοις
ἄφρακτα, λέμβοι δὲ σὺν ταῖς πρίστεσιν ἑκατὸν καὶ πενήκοντα, οἴ. 7. Livy, xxxii. 21,

h2

116 APPENDIX.

centum tecte naves, et quinguaginta leviores apertea, et triginta Issaici lembi,
Xxxili. 19, cum classe centum tectarum navium, ad hoc levioribus navigiis cercuris-
que ac lembis ducentis, xxxv. 26, tres tectas naves, et lembos pristesque, xxxvii. 27,
piraticas celoces et lembos. They had not any rams. Livy, xxxii. 32, cum Ὁ
guingue lembis et una nave rostrata. The number of oars was variable. Livy, —
Xxxiv. 35, quoting from the treaty between Rome and Sparta in 195 B.C., meve
ipse (Nabis) navem ullam preter duos lembos, qui non plus quam sexdecim remis
agerentur, haberet. Vessels of this class sometimes carried fifty men. Polybios,

ii. 3, προσπλέουσι τῆς νυκτὸς ἑκατὸν λέμβοι πρὸς τὴν Μεδιωνίαν, ἐφ᾽ ὧν ἦσαν
᾿Ιλλυριοὶ πεντακισχίλιοι, cf. Strabo, ii. 3. 4, λέμβον συμπηξάμενος πεντηκοντόρῳ
πάρισον. But there was space on board for many men besides the rowers.
Livy, xliv. 28, octingenti ferme Gallorum occisi, ducenti vivi capti; equi, etc....
vigintt eximie equos forme cum captivis eosdem decem lembos, quos ante miserat,
Antenor devehere Thessalonicam zussit. Thus, upon the average, these vessels
each took twenty men and two horses in addition to the crew; so they clearly
were more roomy than the regular war-ships. Yet some were narrow enough for —
the oars to be sculled in pairs. Livy, xxiv. 40, /egati venerunt nuntiantes —
Philippum primum Apolloniam tentasse, lembis biremibus centum viginti flumine —
adverso subvectum, deinde, etc. cf. Virgil, georgics, i. 201, 202, gut adverso vix
flumine lembum | remigtis subigit.

At an earlier date the term had been applied to ship’s-boats: see the passages
quoted from Demosthenes and Anaxandrides in note 226 on p. 103. These
authors were contemporary with Aristotle, so his πλοῖον λεμβῶδες, with its sharp
prow, was presumably a boat of that sort: de animalium incessu, 10, στῆθος δὲ
(τῶν γαμψωνύχων) ἰσχυρὸν καὶ ὀξύ, ὀξὺ μὲν πρὸς τὸ εὔπορον εἷναι, καθάπερ ἂν εἰ
πλοίου πρῷρα λεμβώδους, ἰσχυρὸν δὲ κιτιλ. The small boats used for embarking on
a ship are styled /emdi by Plautus, mercator, i. 2. 81, 82, dum hec aguntur,
lembo advehitur tuus pater pauxillulo; | neque quisquam hominem conspicatust,
donec in navim subit, ii. 1. 35, tnscendo in lembum atque ad lam navim devehor.
And as Plautus adapted his A/ercator from Philemon’s “Eyzropos, this usage may —
date from the time of Aristotle. The term is applied to a fisherman’s boat by
Theocritos, xxi. 12, μήρινθοι κώπα τε γέρων τ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἐρείσμασι λέμβος, and also by
Accius, apud Nonium, p. 534, 60 ante noctem extremam, retia ut perveherem et
statuerem, | forte aliguando solito lembo sum progressus longius. Vessels of this
name are mentioned again by Sisenna, ibid., Ofactlium legatum cum scaphis ac
lembis, and by Turpilius, ibid., hortart nostros tlico capi, ut celerarent ἄμ...
and lembi redeuntes domum duo ad nostram adcelerarunt ratem.

Pliny, vii. 57, dembum (invenerunt) Cyrenenses. That probably refers to the
earlier vessels of this name, that were used as ship’s-boats, etc.

a

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be "

Vi eee eo ae δίς, ἦν

Senile Satin τως

Lenuncult.

ΑΘΓ

This term was apparently a corruption of /embunculi, a diminutive of /emdi,
and hence applied to any small boats. *

Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, zmcidit forte per noctem in lenunculo piscantis.
Ammianus, xiv. 2. 10, pzscatorios gquerunt lenunculos, vel innare temere contextis
ratibus parant, xvi. το. 3, anhelante rabido flatu ventorum lenunculo se commisisse
piscantis, where the allusion is to Ceesar’s attempt to cross the Adriatic in an open”

TYPES OF SHIPS. 117

boat. Tacitus, annales, xiv. 5, mando (Agrippina) deinde occursu lenunculorum
Lucrinum in lacum vecta ville sue infertur. ‘The term is applied to ship’s-boats
by Cesar, de bello civili, ii. 43, magistrisgue imperat navium, ut primo vespere
omnes scaphas ad litus adpulsas habeant...... gui in classe erant, proficisct propera-
bant: horum fuga navium onerariarum magistros incitabat. pauci lenunculi ad
Officium imperiumgque conveniebant.

There were guilds of denuncularii at Ostia near the mouth of the Tiber.
Corp. Inscr. Latin. vol. xiv, nos. 250, 251, ordo corporatorum lenunculariorum
tabulariorum auxiliariorum Ostiensium, no. 252, 0. ¢. 1. pleromariorum a. O.

Lintres.

These were small boats, chiefly for use on rivers.

Cesar, de bello Gallico, i. 12, rvatibus ac lintribus iunctis transibant. This refers
tothe Sadne. cf. Ausonius, idyllia, 12, grammaticomastix, 10, /éatribus in geminis
constratus, Ponto sit, an Pons? Ceesar, de bello Gallico, vii. 60, conguirit etiam
lintres: has magno sonitu remorum incitatas mittit, etc. That refers to the
Seine. Livy, xxi. 26, z¢ague ingens coacta vis navium est, lintriumque temere ad
vicinalem usum paratarum ; novasque alias cavabant ex singulis arboribus. That
refers to the Rhone. The aves and /intres of Livy are the λέμβοι and μονόξυλα
of Polybios, iii. 42. Pliny, vi. 26, regio autem, ex qua piper monoxylis lintribus
Baracen convehunt, vocatur Cottonara, ‘These places were in India. Ovid,
fasti, vi. 779, ferte coronate iuvenum convivia lintres. That refers to the Tiber.
Cicero, pro Milone, 27, dintribus in cam insulam (in lacu Prelio) materiem,
calcem, cementa atque arma convexit. See also Cicero, Brutus, 60, motus erat is,
quem et C. Lulius in perpetuum notavit, gquum ex co in utramque partem toto
corpore vacillante quesivit, ‘quis logueretur ὁ lintre,’ ad Atticum, x. το. 5, ego vero vel
lintriculo, st navis non 6711, eripiam me ex istorum parricidio. And also Ulpian,
in the Pandects, iv. 9. 1. 4, de exercitoribus ratium, item lintrariis nihil cavetur:
sed idem constitui oportere, Labeo scribit, sc. guod de exercitoribus navium.

Lusoria.

These were the war-ships constructed for the frontier rivers of the Roman
Empire, as distinguished from those constructed for the high seas. |

Vegetius, ii. 1, classis item duo genera sunt, unum liburnarum, aliud lusoriarum.
classibus (servantur) maria vel flumina. iv. 46, in Danubio agrarias cotidianis
tutantur excubiis, sc. lusoria. In the Theodosian Code, vii. 17, there is a law de
lusoriis Danubii dated in 412 A.D. It fixes the strength of that fleet at 225 ships;
and provides for the construction of thirty-one every year, so as to renew the
whole fleet in about seven years. By Novel 24, dated in 443 A.D., the Emperor
directs the Magister Officiorum to furnish an annual report from certain frontiers
quemadmodum se militum numerus habeat, castrorumque ac lusoriarum cura
procedat; and this order is repeated by Justinian in his Code, i. 31. 4. But
while Justinian says vaguely super omni limite sub tua iurisdictione constituto,
Theodosios says explicitly tam Thraci, quam Illyrici, nec non etiam Orientalis

ac Pontici limitis, Atgypliact insuper, Thebaict, Lybict: and this suggests that

lusorie were then in use upon the Euphrates and the Nile as well as the Danube.
Ammianus, xvii. 2. 3, xviii. 2. 12, speaks of /usori@ on the Meuse in 357 A.D.,

118 APPENDIX.

and on the Rhine in 359 A.D. Vopiscus, Bonosus, 15, speaks of them on the
Rhine in 280 A.D. |
For an earlier use of the term, see note on ¢ha/amegi on p. 123.

Monoxyla, Μονόξυλα.

These were vessels of a single piece of timber, formed by simply hollowing out
the trunk of a tree. They were in common use in many regions at many periods.

Xenophon, anabasis, v. 4. 11, τριακόσια πλοῖα μονόξυλα, καὶ ἐν ἑκάστῳ τρεῖς
ἄνδρας. These were on the Black Sea. Polyzenos, v. 23, σκάφας τρεῖς μονοξύλους,
ἑκάστην ἄνδρα ἕνα δέξασθαι δυναμένην. These were also on the Black Sea.
Heliodoros, Aithiopica, i. 31, ἐπιβαίνει δὲ τοῦ σκάφους αὐτὸς καὶ ὁ Θέρμουθις
καὶ τρίτος ὁ ἐρέτης" οὐ γὰρ πλείονας οἷά τε φέρειν τὰ λιμναῖα σκάφη ἀπὸ μόνου
ξύλου καὶ πρέμνου παχέος ἑνὸς ἀγροικότερον κοιλαινόμενα. These were in the
Delta of the Nile. Pliny, vii. 2, arundines vero tante proceritatis ut singula
internodia alveo navigabili ternos interdum homines ferant, cf. xvi. 65. These
bamboos were said to grow in India. Pliny, xvi. 76, Germanie predones singulis
arboribus cavatis navigant, quarum quedam et triginta homines ferunt. The

inevitable parody is supplied by Lucian, verze historiz, ii. 26, οὕτω δὴ ἐμβιβάσας ὁ ὁ

‘PadduavOus πεντήκοντα τῶν ἡρώων els ναῦν μονόξυλον ἀσφοδελίνην παρήγγειλε
διώκειν. For further allusions to the μονόξυλα, see Aristotle, historia animalium,
iv. 8. 6, for the Mediterranean. Arrian, anabasis, i. 3, and Theophylactos,
historia, vi. 9, for the Danube. Porphyrogenitos, de administrando imperio, 9,
for the Dnieper and the Black Sea. Pliny, vi. 26, for the west coast of India,
monoxylis lintribus. Polybios, iii. 42, for the Rhone: also Livy, xxi. 26, cavabant
(dintres) ex singulis arboribus. Velleius, ii. 107, for the Elbe, cavatum ex materia
alveum. Strabo, iii. 2. 3, for the Guadalquivir ; and iii. 3. 7, for the north coast
of Spain.

Vessels of this sort were carried by the armies of the Roman Empire for the
construction of floating-bridges. Vegetius, iii. 7, sed commodius repertum est
ut monoxylos, hoc est, paulo latiores scaphulas ex singulis trabibus excavatas, pro
genere ligni et subtilitate levissimas, carpentis secum portet exercitus, tabulatis
pariter et clavis ferrets preparatis. ita absque mora constructus pons, etc. cf. 11. 25.
Leo, tactica, xvii. 13, συμπηγνύουσι (οἱ καβαλλάριοι) γέφυραν ἢ διὰ ξύλων μεγάλων
ἢ διὰ μικρῶν πλοιαρίων, τῶν λεγομένων μονοξύλων.

Myoparones, Μυοπάρωνες.

These were fighting-ships of no great size. They were in use throughout the ἢ

Mediterranean in the First Century B.c. for warfare and for piracy. Apparently
they were broader than the regular war-ships in proportion to their length, and
therefore better able to keep the sea,

Appian, de bellis civilibus, ν. 95, ἐδωρήσατο δὲ καὶ ’Oxraovia τὸν ἀδελφόν, i

αἰτήσασα παρ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου, δέκα φασήλοις τριηρετικοῖς, ἐπιμίκτοις ἔκ τε φορτίδων vewy

καὶ μακρῶν " καὶ τὴν ᾿᾽Οκταουίαν ὁ Καῖσαρ χιλίοις λογάσι σωματοφύλαξιν, ods ἐπιλέξαιτο
᾿Αντώνιος -- Plutarch, Antonius, 35, ᾿Οκταουία τῶν ὡμολογημένων χωρὶς ἠτήσατο τῷ
μὲν ἀδελφῷ παρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς εἴκοσι μυοπάρωνας, τῷ δ᾽ ἀνδρὶ παρὰ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ

στρατιώτας χιλίους. This was in 37 B.c. Appian and Plutarch are certainly ~
referring to the same squadron, though they differ about its strength: so these —

TYPES OF SHIPS. [10

statements of theirs would naturally define ‘the μυοπάρωνες as vessels of a hybrid
species between the long ships and the round ships. But the difficulty is
that Appian has no obvious motive for employing a periphrasis here to describe
the μυοπάρωνες, seeing that he elsewhere mentions them by name: de bello
Mithridatico, 92, μυοπάρωσι πρῶτον καὶ ἡμιολίαις, εἶτα δικρότοις καὶ τριήρεσι,
de rebus Punicis, 121, vavol πεντήκοντα μὲν τριηρετικαῖς, κερκούροις δὲ καὶ μυοπάρ-
wot καὶ ἄλλοις βραχυτέροις πολλοῖς. Moreover, in these passages he treats the
μυοπάρωνες as ships of a single bank, and distinguishes them from ναυσὲ τριηρετικαῖς,
whereas he describes the vessels in question as φασήλοις τριηρετικοῖς. But among
those ναυσὶ τριηρετικαῖς he must include some five-banked ships that he has
mentioned just before, πεντήρεις τε καὶ τριήρεις, and in another passage he uses the
phrase σκεύη τριηρετικὰ for the gear belonging to ships of any number of banks
from two to five, prefatio, 10, τριήρεις δὲ ἀπὸ ἡμιολίας μέχρι πεντήρους, πεντακόσιαι
καὶ χίλιαι" καὶ σκεύη τριηρετικὰ διπλότερα τούτων : so that he could not mean by
τριηρετικός that a ship had three banks of oars, or necessarily more banks than
one. Apparently, he employs the term φασήλοις, like its equivalent in Latin,
to denote a certain type of vessel that was not meant for warfare—see p. 120—
and then adds τριηρετικοῖς to show that the type was so far modified that the
vessels here were capable of fighting, though not entitled to rank with the regular
war-ships, ναυσὶ τριηρετικαῖς---ἰ αὶ they were, in fact, ἐπιμίκτοις ἔκ τε φορτίδων νεῶν
καὶ μακρῶν. See note 60 on p. 23 for other examples of an intermediate type.

Vessels termed mdpwves are mentioned by Polybios, Fr. 65, apud Suidam,
5. V. πάρωνες :---ὁ δὲ ἔπλει, παράπλους ποιησάμενος τοὺς Σιδητῶν πάρωνας᾽ ἧκον yap
“Ῥοδίοις εἰς συμμαχίαν. And vessels termed farones and parunculi are mentioned
in verses that are ascribed to Cicero by Isidore, origines, xix. 1. 20, func se
fuctigero tradit mandatque paroni, and parunculis ad littus ludet celeribus. The
μυοπάρωνες therefore bore a compound name: and a compound name would
naturally be given to ships of an intermediate type.

The μυοπάρωνες are mentioned also by Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, duobus
predonum myoparonibus, and by Sisenna, ibid., navisgue triginta biremis, totidem
myoparonas. Again by Plutarch, Lucullus, 2, τρισὶν ᾿λληνικοῖς μυοπάρωσι, καὶ
δικρότοις ἴσαις ‘Podiaxals, 13, λῃστρικὸν μυοσπάρωνα. Also by Cicero, in Verrem,
ii. v. 34, δὲ 22 predonum pugna (quadriremis) versaretur, urbis instar habere inter
illos piraticos myoparones videretur. 37, hic, te pretore, Heracleo archipirata cum
quattuor myoparonibus parvis ad arbitrium suum navigavit. hic, te pretore,
predonum navicule pervagate sunt. cf. ii. i. 34, 111. 80, v. 28. And by Aulus
Hirtius, de bello Alexandrino, 46, depressa scapha vulneratus tamen adnatat
(Octavius) ad suum myoparonem. eo receptus, cum prelium nox dirimeret,
tempestate magna velis profugit.

Oraria, Orie, Oriole, Prosumie.

These were small craft employed on rivers and along the coast for traffic
or fishing.

Pliny, epistole, x. 26, nunc destino partim orariis navibus partim vehiculis
provinciam petere: nam sicut itineri graves estus ita continue navigationi etesia
reluctantur, cf. 28, orarias naviculas. Isidore, origines, xix. 1. 27, makes the
word J/ittorarie, but probably without authority. Plautus, rudens, iv. 2. 5, 6,

120 APPENDIX.

salute oria, gue in mari fluctuoso | piscatu novo me uberi conpotivit, iv. 3. 81, mea
opera et labore et rete e¢ oria, trinummus, iv. 2. 100, 101, ¢mmo oriola advecti
sumus | usgue agua advorsa per amnem. The oriole are identified with the

prosumie by Aulus Gellius, x. 25, prosumie vel geseorete vel oriole. Nothing —
is known of the geseorete: but the prosumze are mentioned by Ceecilius, apud —

Nonium, p. 536, cum ultro gubernator propere vertit prosumiam, and again,
de nocte ad portum sum provectus prosumia.

Phase, Φάσηλοι.

These were vessels of a type that was especially suitable for carrying people
from place to place. They were in use throughout the Mediterranean in the First
Centuries B.c. and A.D.

Catullus, 4. 1—5, phaselus tlle, guem videtis, hospites, | ait fuisse navium celer-
rimus, | neque ullius natantis impetum trabis | neguisse preterire, sive palmults
opus foret volare, sive linteo. This vessel had brought Catullus from Bithynia to

Italy. Cicero, ad Atticum, i. 13. 1, accepi tuas tres tam epistolas: unam a 77.

Cornelio, quam Tribus Tabernis, ut opinor, et dedisti ; alteram, quam mihi Canu-
sinus tuus hospes reddidit ; tertiam, quam, ut scribis, anchoris sublatis, de phaselo
dedistz. xiv. 16.1, guinto Non. conscendens ab hortis Cluvianis in phaselum epicopum
has dedi litteras. Atticus was crossing the Adriatic from Brindisi, and Cicero was
cruising in the Bay of Naples. Sallust, apud Nonium, p. 534, e¢ forte im navi-
gando cohors una, grandi phaselo vecta, a ceteris deerravit ; marique placido a
duobus predonum myoparonibus circumventa. ‘This great ship clearly was
dependent ‘on her sails, since she was helpless when becalmed; and Cicero’s
phrase phaselus epicopus implies that some phaseli were not epicopz, and had not
any oars to help them along. Juvenal, xv. 127, 128, parvula fictilibus solitum
dare vela phaselis, | et brevibus picte remis incumbere testa, cf. Virgil, georgics,
iv. 280, e¢ circum pictis vehitur sua rura phaselis. These were the earthenware
tubs that served as boats in Egypt, the ὀστράκινα πορθμεῖα of Strabo, xvii. 1. 4.
So a phaselus might be of any size.

These vessels are mentioned frequently in Latin. Ovid, epistole ex Ponto,
i. 10. 39, fragili tellus non dura phaselo. Uorace, odes, iii. 2. 28, 29, fragilemve
mecum | solvat phaselon. Seneca, Hercules (Etzeus, 695, 696, mec magna meas
aura phaselos | iubeat medium scindere pontum. Martial, x. 30. 12, 13, mec
languet equor; viva sed quies ponti | pictam phaselon adiuvante fert aura.
Lucan, v. 518, e¢ latus inversa nudum munita phaselo, sc. domus.

And they are mentioned occasionally in Greek. Appian, de bellis civilibus,
ν. 95, ἐδωρήσατο δὲ καὶ ’Oxraovla τὸν ἀδελφόν, αἰτήσασα παρ᾽ ᾿Αντωνίου, δέκα
φασήλοις τριηρετικοῖς, ἐπιμίκτοις ἔκ τε φορτίδων νεῶν καὶ μακρῶν. This passage has
already been discussed in the note on the μυοπάρωνες on p. 118. Appian follows
the Latin usage in treating the φάσηλοι as poprides νῆες, and adds τριηρετικοί here
to show that the vessels in question had something of the character of the μακραί.
Strabo, however, reckons the φάσηλοι among the μακρὰ πλοῖα, and distinguishes
them from the oxevaywyd, in his account of the expedition of Atlius Gallus down

the Red Sea in 25 B.c. Strabo, xvi. 4. 23, πρῶτον μὲν δὴ τοῦθ᾽ ἁμάρτημα συνέβη

τὸ μακρὰ κατασκευάσασθαι πλοῖα, μηδενὸς ὄντος μηδ᾽ ἐσομένου κατὰ θάλατταν πολέμου.

ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἔλαττον ὀγδοήκοντα ἐναυπηγήσατο δίκροτα καὶ τριήρεις καὶ φασήλους. γνοὺς

TYPES OF SHIPS. I2I

δὲ διεψευσμένος ἐναυπηγήσατο σκευαγωγὰ ἑκατὸν καὶ τριάκοντα, ols ἔπλευσεν ἔχων
περὶ μυρίους πεζούς. By thus including these φάσηλοι among the μακρὰ πλοῖα,
Strabo may perhaps imply that they were φάσηλοι τριηρετικοί, as Appian says,
and in fact were μυοπάρωνες.

FPontones.

These were merchant-ships of a type that was in use on the south coast
of France in the First Century B.c.

Cesar, de bello civili, iii. 29, pontones, quod est genus navium Gallicarum,
Lissi relinguit, sc. Antonius. 40, Lissum profectus (Cn. Pompeius) naves onerarias
triginta a M. Antonio relictas intra portum aggressus omnes incendit. The cir-
cumstances of the campaign suggest that these ships came from Marseilles.

At a later date the term denoted a pontoon. Paulus, in the Pandects, viii. 3.
38, flumine interveniente, via constitut potest, si aut vado transiri potest, aut
pontem habeat: diversum, st pontonibus traiiciatur. cf. Ausonius, idyllia, 12,
grammaticomastix, 10, 4intribus in geminis constratus, Ponto sit, an Pons?

Pristes, Upiores.

These were war-ships of no great size; yet large enough to carry rams. They
were employed in Greek fleets in the Second Century B.c. The name denotes a
shark.

Polybios, xvii. 1, παρῆν ὁ μὲν Φίλιππος ἐκ Δημητριάδος ἀναχθεὶς εἰς τὸν Μηλιέα
κόλπον, πέντε λέμβους ἔχων καὶ μίαν πρίστιν, ἐφ᾽ ἧς αὐτὸς éwéwher= Livy, xxxii. 32,
eo rex αὖ Demetriade cum quingue lembis et una nave rostrata venit. Livy else-
where mentions them by name, xxxv. 26, ¢res tectas naves, et lembos pristesque, xliv.
28, cum quadraginta lembis, adiecte ad hunc numerum quingue pristes erant. YVhey
are again classed with the /emdz by Polybios, xvi. 2, κατάφρακτοι τρεῖς καὶ πεντή-
κοντα, σὺν δὲ τούτοις ἄφρακτα, λέμβοι δὲ σὺν ταῖς πρίστεσιν ἑκατὸν Kal πεντήκοντα.
These instances fall between 201 and 168 B.c. Virgil, Aineid, ν. 116, velocem
Mnestheus agit acri remige Pristin: but Pristzs is here the name of the ship.

The fish known as 2775 715 was certainly a shark. Leonidas of Tarentum, in
the Anthology, vii. 506, 3—10, 7 γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἀγκύρας ἔνοχον βάρος els ἅλα diver, |

Ἰόνιόν θ᾽ ὑγρὸν κῦμα κατερχόμενος, | τὴν μὲν ἔσωσ᾽ " ᾿αὐτὸς δὲ μετάτροπος ἐκ βυθοῦ

ἔῤῥων | ἤδη καὶ ναύταις χεῖρας ὀρεγνύμενος, | ἐβρώθην" τοῖόν μοι ἐπ᾽ ἄγριον εὖ μέγα
κῆτος | ἦλθεν, ἀπέβρωξεν δ᾽ ἄχρις ἐπ᾽ ὀμφαλίου. | χἥμισυ μὲν ναῦται, ψυχρὸν βάρος,
ἐξ ἁλὸς ἡμῶν | ἤρανθ᾽, ἥμισυ δὲ πρίστις ἀπεκλάσατο. Thus, the sailor had been

diving to recover an anchor, and was just being hauled into the ship again, when

the lower half of his body was bitten off and swallowed by a préstis. That was the
act of a shark, and of no other fish. Aristotle, historia animalium, vi. 11. 10, οἱ
μὲν οὖν γαλεοὶ καὶ οἱ γαλεοειδεῖς, οἷον ἀλώπηξ καὶ κύων, καὶ οἱ πλατεῖς ἰχθύες, νάρκη
καὶ βάτος καὶ λειόβατος καὶ τρυγών, τὸν εἰρημένον τρόπον ζῳοτοκοῦσιν ὠοτοκήσάντες.
12. 1, δελφὶς δὲ καὶ φάλαινα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα κήτη, ὅσα μὴ ἔχει βράγχια, ἀλλὰ φυσητῆρα,
ἕῳοτοκοῦσιν, ἔτι δὲ πρίστις καὶ βοῦς " οὐδὲν γὰρ τούτων φαίνεται ἔχον wd, ἀλλ᾽ εὐθέως
κύημα, ἐξ οὗ διαρθρουμένου γίνεται τὸ ζῷον, καθάπερ ἄνθρωπος καὶ τῶν τετραπόδων τὰ
ἑῳοτόκα. Here the πρίστις and βοῦς are distinguished from those κήτη which had
φυσητῆρα in place of βράγχια, 1.6. the marine mammals, or Cetacea. And they are
also distinguished from some species of sharks, in that they were viviparous in the

122 APPENDIX.

strictest sense, while these were ovo-viviparous: but this distinction seems dubious.
The passage, however, refutes the opinion that the fr7stis was ἃ whale. Linnzeus
was clearly in error in describing the saw-fish as pristis antiguorum. He probably
took πρίειν in the sense of sawing, whereas it also refers to biting; and the shark
is pre-eminently the biter.

Rates, Xxedia.

These terms were applied to rafts of various kinds; also to floating-bridges;_
and occasionally to ships.

Rafts were used for moving timber from place to place: and sometimes were of
immense size, requiring many masts and sails. Theophrastos, historia plantarum,
v. 8. 2, μέγιστα δὲ (ξύλα) kal παρὰ πολὺ τὰ ἐν τῇ Κύρνῳ φασὶν εἶναι... διαβάντας δέ
τινας ἀποτεμέσθαι πάμπολυ πλῆθος ἐκ τόπου βραχέος ὥστε τηλικαύτην ποιῆσαι σχεδίαν
ἢ ἐχρήσατο πεντήκοντα ἱστίοις" οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ διαπεσεῖν αὐτὴν ἐν τῷ πελάγει. Vitru-
vius, li. 9. 14, proplerque pondus (larix) ab aqua non sustinetur ; sed cum portatur,
aut in navibus aut supra abiegnas rates collocatur. Such rafts would consist
entirely of timber; but others were floated on skins or jars or casks. Xenophon,
anabasis, ii. 4. 28, of βάρβαροι διῆγον ἐπὶ σχεδίαις διφθερίναις ἄρτους, τυρούς, οἶνον.
This was on the Tigris. Pliny, viii. 6, centum guadraginta duo (elephanti) fuere
transvecti ratibus, guas doliorum consertis ordinibus tmposuerat, sc. Metellus. The
passage was from Sicily to Italy, and the date was 251 B.c. See also Diodoros,
xix. 54. 3, for transport of elephants from Megara to Epidauros on σχεδίαι in 315
B.c.; and Polybios, iii. 46, and Livy, xxi. 28, for transport of elephants across the
Rhone on σχεδίαι or rades in 218 B.C. Lucan, iv. 420—422, wamque ratem vacue
sustentant undique cuppa, | quarum porrectis series constricta catenis | ordinibus
geminis obliguas excipit alnos. This raft was built for fighting; so a large space
was left open in the middle, for the rowers to work their oars there out of reach of
missiles: 423—426, nec gerit expositum telis in fronte patenti | remigium : sed, quod
trabibus curcumdedit equor, | hoc ferit; et taciti prebet miracula cursus, | quod nec
vela ferat, nec apertas verberat undas.

The floating-bridges which the Persians threw across the Dardanelles and
Bosporos are termed σχεδίαι by Afschylos, Persze, 69, and by Mandrocles in the
epigram quoted by Herodotos, iv. 88, and also by Herodotos himself, iv. 88, 89,
vii. 36; and he applies the term to other floating-bridges, iv. 97, viii. 97. Livy,
xxi. 47, biduo vix locum rate tungendo (Pado) flumini inventum tradunt. Strabo,
xvii. 1. 16, καὶ σχεδία ἔζευκται ἐπὶ τῷ ποταμῷ, ἀφ᾽ ἧς καὶ τοὔνομα τῷ τόπῳ, 56.
Σχεδία. This refers to the toll-bar across the Canopic arm of the Nile.

Sea-going ships are described as ποντοπόρους σχεδίας by Euripides, Hecuba, 113.
In the Odyssey, v. 251, Ulysses’ boat is described as εὐρεῖαν σχεδίην, and Theocritos
uses the phrase εὐρεῖαν σχεδίαν for Charon’s boat, xvi. 41. Among the Roman
poets vais bore this meaning: Catullus, 63. 1, 64. 121; Virgil, georgics, ii. 445,
fineid, i. 43, iii. 192, iv. 53, v- 8, Vi. 3023 etc.

—_——=—-- ὁ."

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ΜῊΝ _ P
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Speculatorie, Κατάσκοποι, Tabellaria.

These were small vessels for reconnoitring and for carrying despatches. —
Apparently, they became a distinct class in the First Century B.c. In the Fifth

TYPES OF SHIPS. 123

Century A.D. the hulls of these vessels and their sails and ropes used all to be
painted the colour of sea-water, to keep them out of sight.

Livy, xxxvi. 42, uma et octoginta constratis navibus, multis preterea minori-
bus, que aut aperte rostrate aut sine rostris speculatorie erant, Delum traiecit.
Plutarch, Cato Minor, 54, ἦσαν δὲ πεντακοσίων μὲν οὐκ ἐλάττους al μάχιμοι,
λιβυρνικὰ δὲ καὶ κατασκοπικὰ καὶ ἄφρακτα παμπληθῆ, Pompeius, 64, ἦσαν γὰρ αἱ
μάχιμοι πεντακόσιαι, λιβυρνίδων δὲ καὶ κατασκόπων ὑπερβάλλων ἀριθμός. For this
use of μάχιμοι in place οὗ κατάφρακτοι, cf. Pseudo-Callisthenes, i. 28, ναυπηγήσας
λιβέρνους Kal τριήρεις καὶ ναῦς μαχίμους ποιήσας. Livy and Plutarch both treat
the scouts as a distinct class of vessels; but Polybios speaks as though the scouting
was done by any vessels that were available. Livy, xxii. 19, txde due Massilien-
sium speculatorie misse retulerunt classem Punicam stare in ostio, etc.=Polybios,
ili. 95, προαπέστειλε κατασκεψομένας δύο vais ταχυπλοούσας Μασσαλιωτικάς...
διασαφούντων δὲ τῶν ἐπὶ τὴν κατασκοπὴν ἐκπεμφθέντων ὅτι περὶ τὸ στόμα, κ.τ.λ.
Livy, xxx. 10, intervalla fecit, qua procurrere speculatorie naves in hostem ac tuto
recipi possent. = Polybios, (xiv. 10), apud Suidam, 5. v. ὑπηρετικοῖς :--- βραχὺ διάστημα
ποιῶν, ὥστε ὑπηρετικοῖς ἐκπλεῖν δύνασθαι καὶ διαπλεῖν. And Livy doubtless used
speculatorie in transcribing from Polybios, i. 53, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τῶν
Συρακουσῶν προαπεσταλμένοις ταμίαις ἀνήγγειλαν. οἱ προπλεῖν εἰθισμένοι λέμβοι τὸν
ἐπίπλουν τῶν ὑπεναντίων. The inference is that the scouts did not become a
distinct class until after the time of Polybios; and that Livy is guilty of some
anachronisms. They usually were small vessels. Livy, xxxv. 26, 2256 Philopemen
in levi speculatoria nave fugit, xxx. 10, speculatorie naves ac levia navigia. Cesar,
de Bello Gallico, iv. 26, speculatoria navigia. The inscription mentioning sfecu-
latores classis Misenensis is a forgery: see Corp. Inscr. Latin. vol. x, no. 247%.

Seneca, epistole, 77, subito nobis hodie Alexandrine naves apparuerunt, que
premitti solent et nuntiare secuture classis adventum: tabellarias vocant. These
vessels gue premitti solent answer to the προπλεῖν εἰθισμένοι of Polybios, i. 53.
And the regular scouts also served as ¢adel/arig. Aulus Hirtius, de bello Africano,
26, per catascopum (litteras) mittit.

The term exfloratorie is employed by Vegetius, iv. 37, scaphe tamen maioribus
liburnis exploratorie sociantur, que vicenos prope remiges in singulis partibus
habeant...ne tamen exploratorie naves candore prodantur, colore veneto, qui marinis
est fluctibus similis, vela tinguntur et funes ; cera etiam, qua ungere solent naves,
inficitur: nauteque vel milites venetam vestem induunt,

Thalamegi, @adapnyot.

These were house-boats of extraordinary size and splendour, constructed by the
Ptolemies for their voyages upon the Nile.

Strabo, xvii. τ. 16, διέχει δὲ τετράσχοινον τῆς ᾿Αλεξανδρείας ἡ Σχεδία, κατοικία
πόλεως, ἐν ἣ τὸ ναύσταθμον τῶν θαλαμηγῶν πλοίων, ἐφ᾽ οἷς οἱ ἡγεμόνες εἰς τὴν ἄνω
χώραν ἀναπλέουσιν, cf. 15, εὐωχοῦνται δ᾽ ἐν σκάφαις. θαλαμηγοῖς. Suetonius,
Julius Czesar, 52, nave thalamego pene “ἤεέλίοῤία tenus Aigyptum penetravit.
Appian, preefatio, 10, θαλαμηγά τε χρυσόπρυμνα καὶ χρυσέμβολα, ἐς πολέμου πομπήν,
οἷς αὐτοὶ διαπλέοντες ἐπέβαινον οἱ βασιλεῖς, ὀκτακόσια. This refers to the Ptolemies.
Athenzos, v. 38, κατεσκεύασε δ᾽ ὁ Φιλοπάτωρ καὶ ποτάμιον πλοῖον, τὴν θαλαμηγὸν
καλουμένην, τὸ μῆκος ἔχουσαν ἡμισταδίου, κιτιλ. Athenzeos is quoting from Calli-

124 APPENDIX.

xenos, and his account of the vessel seems untrustworthy throughout. Diodoros,
i. 85, ἔπειτα (τὸν μόσχον) εἰς θαλαμηγὸν ναῦν οἴκημα κεχρυσωμένον ἔχουσαν ἐμβιβά-
σαντες, ὡς θεὸν ἀνάγουσιν εἰς Μέμφιν. This bull was the Apis.

The term ¢halamegus used sometimes to be replaced by cudiculata or lusorta.

Seneca, de beneficiis, vii. 20, cuz triremes et eratas non mitterem, lusorias et cubicu- —

latas et alia ludibria regum in mari lascivientium mittam. FEpiphanios, ancoratus,
106, ws ὁ ᾿Αντίνοος, ὁ ἐν ᾿Αντινόου κεκηδευμένος, καὶ σὺν λουσορίῳ πλοίῳ κείμενος ὑπὸ
᾿Αδριανοῦ οὕτως κατετάγη.

Tragt, Tpdyo.

These were vessels of a type invented by the Lycians.

Sisenna, apud Nonium, p. 534, prores actuaria tragi grandes ac phaseli primo.
cf. Pollux, i. 83, ἔστι δέ τινα πλοῖα Λύκια λεγόμενα κριοὶ Kal τράγοι. Plutarch, de
mulierum virtutibus, 9, ἔπλει δὲ (Xiuappos) πλοίῳ λέοντα μὲν ἔχοντι πρῴραθεν
ἐπίσημον, ἐκ δὲ πρύμνης δράκοντα, καὶ πολλὰ κακὰ τοὺς Λυκίους ἐποίει. As the

Chimzera was a goat with a lion’s head and a snake’s tail, this vessel must have —

been a τράγος.
Vectoria, ᾿Επιβατηγοί.

These were vessels for carrying passengers. They were not used for cargo.
These names were applied to them in the Second Century A.D.

Ulpian, in the Pandects, xiv. 1. 1. 12, guedam enim naves oneraria, gquedam
(ut ipsi dicunt) ἐπιβατηγοί, id est vectorum ductrices, sunt...... ut, ecce, sunt naves
que Brundusium a Cassiopa vel a Dyrrhachio vectores traticiunt, ad onera inha-
biles. Suetonius, Julius Caesar, 63, cum per angustias Hellesponti vectoria navicula
traiceret. This was presumably a passenger-boat; but Czesar, de bello Gallico,
v. 8, uses the phrase vectoriis gravibusque navigiis for vessels carrying troops and
stores. See note on phaseli on p. 120 for other vessels of this class.

The boats from Brindisi to Durazzo connected the Appian Way from Rome
with the Egnatian Way to Salonica and the East. Cassiopa lay at the northern
end of Corfu, and was on the route from Italy to Greece.

ὝΥ a a Ἐν.

INDEX TO

Admiral’s flag and light, 99, yacht,
108.

Anchors, 69—74-

Ark, Noah’s, 24, 25, 55-

Awnings, 52, 53, 58.

_ Back-stay, 78—8o, 83.

Baling, 61.

Ballast, 60, 61.

Banks of oars, see Oars.

Bath-room, 58.

Beams, 40, 45—47) 55» 56.

Bilge, 61.

Bitt-heads, 83, 84.

Boat, ship’s, 103, 104.

Bowsprit, 89, 91, 94, 95, 104.

Braces, 78—83, 94, 95-

Brails, 79—83, 94, 95:

Breadth of war-ships, 22, 23, of mer-
chant-ships, 23—25.

Bridges of boats, 70, 118, 122.

Bulwarks, 52, 53, 56, 57, τοῦ.

Buoys, 72, 73, 99-

Byzantine ships, 16—19, 30, 87, 91, 92,
103.

Cabins, 54, 55, 57) 58.

Cables for anchoring, etc, 73, 74, for
strengthening the hull, 41—43.

Calking, 34.

Cargo, 25—30.

Carvings, 65—67.

Catheads, 62, 63, 69.

Cavalry-transports, 14, 15, 43-

SUBJECTS.

Classification of ships, 23, 105.
Coloured sails, 98.
Cushions on thwarts, 47.

Deck-houses, 58.

Decks, 49—57-

Despatch-boats, 108, 122.

Dimensions of war-ships, 20—23, 43, of
merchant-ships, 23—25.

Drinking-water, 61.

Dug-outs, 118.

Egyptian ships, 2, 4, 9, 41, 51, 56, 65,
68, 75, 78, 79, 92, τού, 107.

Eight-banked ship, 13, 14.

Elephants on rafts, 122.

Eleven-banked ship, 6, 7.

Encaustic, 35, 36.

Eyes, 69.

False-keel, 32.

Fifteen-banked ships, 6, 7.

Fifty-oared ships, 3, 21, 22,42, 106, 116.

Figure-head, etc, 65—67, 113, 114.

Five-banked ships, 5, 6, 12, 13, 16, 44,
109.

Flags, 99, 100.

Floats, 72.

Forecastle, 56, 57-

Fore-mast, 89, 91.

Fore-stay, 78—83, 94.

Forty-banked ship, alleged, 8—1ro, 14,
23.

Four-banked ships, 5, 12, 44, 47, 82.

126 INDEX TO

Galleries, 67, 69.

Galleys, 19.

Gangways on ship, 49—53, for landing,
101, 102.

Gardens on ships, 29, 58.

Goose’s-head, 67.

Halyards, 78—83, 93—95.

Hawse-holes, 69.

Height of war-ships, 20, 21, of merchant-
ships, 24.

Hieroglyphs, 2, 79.

Horses on ships, 14, 15, 116: ships
named horses, 108, 110, 113, 114.

House-boats, 123, 124.

Hull, 39, 40.

Hurricane-deck, 49—53-

Keel, 31, 32, 39, 40-

Ladders, tor, 102.

Lead for sounding, ror.

Leathers for port-holes, 43, for oars, 44.

Length of war-ships, 21—23, 43, of
merchant-ships, 24, 25.

Liburnians, 16, 17.

Life-buoys, 73.

Lifts, 78, 94, 95.

Lights, 99.

Log, automatic, 1or.

Masts, generally, 78—g6, fore-mast or
bowsprit, 83—89, 91, 94, 95, 104,
mizen, 89, 91, material for, 33, tops,
925 93.

Materials for shipbuilding, 31—37, for
sails and ropes, 96, 97, for awnings,
53-

Military-tops, 92, 93.

Mizen, 89, 91.

Names of ships, 65, 66.
Nine-banked ships, 6.
Noah’s Ark, 24, 25, 55.
Nose of ship, 65.

Oars, generally, 1—20, number, 2, 3,
10—1I4, 17—20, arranged in banks,

‘Rigging, generally, 78—g98, with one —

SUBJECTS.

3—9, 15, 44, 45, supplementary, 10, —
12, 15, 50, 51, auxiliary, 20, 29, size
and weight, 10, 48, 50, 51, material,
33, fastenings, 44.
Obelisks, ships for carrying, 26—30.
Ornaments at stem and stern, 65—69.

Paddle-wheels, 101.
Painting, 35—37, 60, 65, 66.
Passenger-ships, 120, 124. ;
Phoenician ships, 3, 4, 44, 49, 52, 64, i

79, ILI—1I4. ἣ
Poles, 102.
Pontoons, 121.
Poop, 56, 57.
Port-holes, 43—45.
Pump, 61.

Rafts, 122.
Ram, 62—65.
Ratlines, 95.
Reliefs, 65, 66.
Ribs, 39, 40.

mast, 78—83, 85, 91, with two masts, —
83—89, 91, 94, 95, with three masts, —
89, 91.
Rings on sails, 81, 95.
Ropes in rigging, 78—85, 94, 95, —
material for, 97.
Rowers, arrangement of, 44—48, 55,
56.

Sacred barges, 9, 10.

Sails, generally, 78—91, 94—98, fore- —
sail or spritsail, 83—89, 91, 95, top-
sail, 90, 93,94, mizen, 89, 91, material _
for, 96, 97, colour of, 98.

Scouts, 122, 123.

Screens, 51-- 53.

Sculling, ro.

Sections, ships in, 38.

Seven-banked ships, 5, 6, 13.

Sharks, 121, 122.

Sheathing, 37.

Sheets, 79, 81—83, 94, 95.

Ship’s boat, 103, 104.

Shrouds, 78, 81, 94, 95-

INDEX TO SUBJECTS.

Sides, thickness of, 40.

Signalling, 100.

Six-banked ships, 5, 6.

Sixteen-banked ships, 7, 21.

Sounding, ror.

Spritsail, 89, 95.

Statues, 66, 67.

Steering-gear, 74—78.

Stem and stern, 36, 39, 40, 56, 57;
62—69, 74.

Superstructure, 49, 50.

Swan’s-head, 67.

Tacking, 78, 95, 96.

Tar, 34» 37.

Tar%is, ships of, 2.

Ten-banked ships, 5, 6, 20, 21, 30, 31.

Thirteen-banked ships, 7, 8.

Thirty-banked ships, 8, 9, 22.

Thirty-oared ships, 2, 3, 21, 22, 38, 43,
47, 85.

Tholes, 21, 22, 44, 45, 109.

Three-banked ships, 4, 10, 11, 14—17,
22, 31, 43—47, 50, 54—56, 63, 82—
84.

Three-decked ships, 54, 55-

127

Three-masted ships, 89, 91.

Thwarts, 45—47.

Timber, 31—34.

Tonnage of merchant-ships, 25—30, of
war-ships, 30, 31.

Tops, military, 92, 93.

Topsail, go, 91, 93, 94, 98.

Tow, 34.

Turrets, 59, 60.

Twelve-banked ships, 6.

Twenty-banked ship, 8.

Twenty-oared ships, 2, 3, 20, 107.

Two-banked ships, 3, 4, 11, 15—19, 44;
49, 53.

Two-masted ships, 83—88, 94, 95.

Undergirding, 41—43.

Waling-pieces, 40, 41, 45, 62, 63, 78.
Water for drinking, 61.
Wax, 34, 35) 37:

Yards, generally, 78—85, 89—96, for
dropping missiles, 93, braced round,
78, 96, structure of, 78, material for,

33-

INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

GREEK.

dyxowa, 82—85.

ἄγκυρα, 69—74-

ἀγκύρειον, 73.

ἀγυιά, 58.

ἄκατος, ἀκάτιον, 105, 106, ἀκάτειος
ἱστός, ἀκάτειοι κεραῖαι, ἀκάτειον ἱστίον,
83—86.

ἀκροστόλιον, ἀκρωτήριον, 68, 69, 93.

ἀντηρίς, 62.

ἄντλος, ἀντλία, ἀντλητήριον, 61.

ἀποβάθρα, 73, 102.

ἀπόγαιον, ἀπόγειον, 73.

ἁρμονία, ἅρμοσμα, 37, 38.

ἀρτέμων, 88.

ἀρχιτέκτων, 9.

ἄσκωμα, 43.

αὐχήν, 75.

ἄφλαστον, 68.

ἄφρακτος, 51, 52.

βάθρα, 102.
βᾶρις, 106, 107.
βολίζειν, τοι.

γαλαία, γαλέα, το.

γαῦλος, 113.

γόμφος, γόμφωμα, 37—39.
γύαιον, 73. ' :
γωνία, 90.

δελφίς, δελφινοφόροι κεραῖαι, 93, 94.
᾿ δεσμός, 37, 38, 71.
διάβασις, 50, 51.

διάζυξ, 47°

δίαιτα, 54, 55+
δικωπεῖν, δικωπία, 10.
διπηχαική, 21.
δίπρυμνος, δίπρῳρος, 75.
δοκός, 40.

δόλων, 87.

δρόμων, 17—19, 91.
δρύοχος, 39, 40.

ἐγκοίλιον, 30.
ἑδώλιον, 57, QI-
ἔμβολος, 63, 64.
ἐντερόνεια, 32, 39. 4
éwaxrpls, ἔπακτρον, ἐπακτροκέλης, 112,
113.
ἐπηγκενίς, 30.
ἐπιβάθρα, 102.
ἐπιβατηγός, 124.
ἐπίγυον, 73.
ἐπίκριον, 81.
ἐπίσημον, 65, 66.
ἐπίτονος, 80.
ἐπωτίς, 62, 69.
ἕρμα, 60.
ἔσωθεν, 97.
εὐνή, εὐναία, 7ο.
ἐφόλκιον, 103.

ζεύγλη, ζευκτηρία, 75. a

ζυγόν, ζυγός, 18, 40, 46, 47, 57; 58, 93;
ζυγία κώπη, τι, 56, ζυγίτης, 46. ;

ἑξύγωσις, 75.

fwornp, 40, 41.

INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

ἠλακάτη, 92, 93.
ἧλος, 37. 38.

ἡμιολία, 15, 51.

θάλαμος, 55, θαλαμία κώπη, 11, 44, 56,
θαλάμαξ, 56, θαλαμηγός, 123, 124.
θρῆνυς, 46, θρανῖτις κώπη, 11, 15, 56,
Opavirns, 46.
θωράκιον, 92.

ἔκριον, 39, 57.

ἱμάς, 82, 83, 85.
immaywybs, ἱππηγός, 14, 15.
ἵππος, 113, 114.
ἱστιόκωπος, 114, 118.
ἱστίον, 81---Ο0.

ἱστοδόκη, 8ο.

᾿ς ἱστοπέδη, 80.

ἱστός, 8ο---85, 89—95.

κάλος, κάλως, καλῴδιον, 8I—85, 94, 95-
κάμαξ, 77.

'καμάρα, 107.

κάνθαρος, 107, 108.

κάροιον, 93.

καρχήσιον, G2—95.
κατάβλημα, 53.
καταπειρητηρίη, τοι.
κατάσκοπος, 122, 123.
κατάστρωμα, 49—52, 55, 57.
κατάφρακτος, 51, 52, 57, 123.

᾿ κέλης, κελήτιον, τοϑ---Ἴτο.

κεραία, 79, 82—85, 92—95.
képkoupos, 110, III.
κεροίαξ, κεροῦχος, 93—95.
kAnls, 2, 46.

κλιμακίς, κλῇμαξ, 102.
κοντός, 102.

κόρυμβα, 68.

κοχλίας, 29, 61.

κρίκος, 81.

κύκνος, κυκνοκάνθαρος, 107, 108.
κύμβη, 112.

κῴπη, κωπεύς, II, 12.

᾿ κωπητήρ, 47.

λαμπτήρ, 99.
λέμβος, 115, 116.

Ἵ,

[29

ληνός, ΟἹ, 92.
λίθος, λιθοφόροι κεραῖαι, 70, 71, 94.

μακρὰ ναῦς, 22, 23.

μάχιμος ναῦς, 123.

μέγας ἱστός, μεγάλαι κεραῖαι, μέγαν
ἱστίον, 83—85, 87.

μεσόδμη, 80.

μεσόκοιλον, 8ο.

μήρυμα, μηρύεσθαι, 81, 82.

μήτρα, 39-

μονόξυλος, 118.

μυοπάρων, 118, 119.

μυριαγωγός, μυριοφόρος, μυριόφορτος, 25,
26.

νομεύς, 30.

ὄγκος, 60.

ὁδούς, 70.

οἴαξ, οἷήιον, 75--- 7.
οἴκημα, οἴκησις, 55.
ὄνυξ, 70.

ὀφθαλμός, 69.

παράβλημα, 53.
παράῤῥυμα, 53.
παράσειρον, Qo.
παράσημον, 66.
παραστάτης, 83—85.
παρεξειρεσία, 62, 75, 102.
παρήια, 37.

πάροδος, 50, 54, 55, 58.
πάρων, LIQ.

πεῖσμα, 73, 74.
περιαγωγεύς, 95.
περίνεως, I0O—12, 15, 50, 51.
πηδάλιον, 74—77.
πλῆκτρον, 76.

πούς, 81—83, 85, 96.
mploris, 121, 122.
προεμβόλιον, 63.
προσκεφάλαιον, 47.
πρότονος, 80, 94.

πρύμνα, 39, 40, 57, 68.
πρυμνήσιον, 73, 74.
πρῷρα, 39, 40, 57, 62, 69.
πτέρνα, QI, 92.

πτέρυξ, 77:

πύργος, πυργοῦχος, 60.

130 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS. a

Σαμία, Σάμαινα, 65.
σανίς, 40.

σέλμα, 41.

σημεῖον, 66, 67, 99—IOI.

σίμωμα, 65.
alpapos, Qo.
σκαλμός, 44, 109.
σκηνή, 58.
σπεῖρον, 81.
σταμίς, 39.
στέγη, 52, 55:
στεῖρα, 40.
στερέωμα, 62.
στοῖχος, 14.
στόλος, 69.
στρογγύλον πλοῖον, 23.
στροφεῖον, 95.
στυλίς, 93.

σφήν, 8ο.
σχεδία, 122.

σχοινίον, 73.

ταῤῥός, ταρσός, 2, 12; 15; 20, 114.

τοπεῖον, 82, 83.
Topvela, 32.
τράγος, 124.

τριάρμενος, 54, 55. Γ᾿
τριημιολία, τριηρημιολία, 15, 51. ‘
τριήρης, τό, τῇ, 545 55) 109, 119. ΚΓ
τριπάροδος, 54, 55. “a
Tpubpopos, 55.

τρόπις, 31, 39) 40, 75.
τροπός, τροπωτήρ, 44, 47+
τροχιλία, τροχός, 82, 95.

ὕαλος, 71.
ὑδροθήκη, 61.
ὑπέρα, 81—85. ἵν;
ὑπηρέσιον, 47. ; a
ὑπηρετικός, 115. a
ὑπόβλημα, 53. ὰ 4
ὑπόζωμα, 41—43. ald
ie
φάσηλος, 120, 121. . va
φελλός, 73, 100. oe
φοινικίς, 100. ὯΝ

χαλινός, χαλινόν, 77> 82, 83, 95. Ν τ
χάλκωμα, χαλκήρης ναῦς, 63. ὩΣ
χέλυσμα, 31. ἊΝ

χηνίσκος, 67.

acatus, acatium, 106.

| actuarius, actuariolus, 105, 106.
_ adminiculum, 77.

ΟΣ, @rata navis, 63, 65.
aged, 58.

ancora, 70, 73, 74+

_ anguina, 82, 83.

antenna, 79, 89—91, 95.

_ apertus, 52.

aphractus, 52.

— carbasus, 96.

_ carchesium, 03.
carina, 39-

_ catapirates, 101.

Ο catascopus, 123.
εαπμαϊοαγίμς, 108.

_ eaverna, 55-

_ celes, celox, 108—110.
cercurus, 110, 111.
ceruchus, 03.

ch , 67.

_ davus, 38, 77:

| cochlea, 61.
codicarius, 108.

_contus, 102.

4 constratus, constratum, 51, 52) 57:

INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

LATIN.

corbita, 111.

corymba, 68.

costa, 30.

cybe@a, 111, 112.

cymba, cymbula, 112, 103.

dens, 70.

dieta, 55.
dolon, 87.
dromo, 17.

exploratorius, 123.
forus, fori, 57, 58.
gubernaculum, 75—77-

habena, 95.
hippagogus, 14.
hippus, 113, 114.

insigne, 66, 67, 99.
interamentum, 32, 30.
interscalmium, 21.
intra malos, 97.

iugum, 58, 93.

lembus, 115, 116.

lenunculus, 116, 117.

liburna, liburnica, τό, 17, 117-
linter, 117.

longa navis, 22, 23-

lumen, 99, 100.

lusorius, 117, 118, 124.

132 INDEX TO TECHNICAL TERMS.

malus, 87—91, 93, 94, οὕ, 97-
moderamen, "7.

molybdis, τοι.

monoxylus, 118.

myoparo, 118, 110."

numen, 67.

ora, 73.
oraria, oria, oriola, 119, 120.

parada, 58.

paro, parunculus, 119.
pes, 96.

Phaselus, 120.
plectrum, 76.

pons, ponto, 102, 121.
prepostero more, 97.

| pristis, 121, 122.
propugnaculum, 59.
prosumia, 119, 120.

vatis, 122.
regimen, 77.
retinaculum, 74.
rostrum, 63—66.
vudens, 95.

saburra, 60.
scala, 102.

scalmus, 44, 109.

scapha, scaphula, 103, 104, 123.
sedile, 57.

sentina, 61.

Signum, ΤΟΙ.

Speculatorius, 122, 123.
statumen, 39.

SUCga, 55.

SUrUPPUS, 44...

supparum, go.

tabellarius, 122, 123.
lectus, 52, 53, 57-
thalamegus, 123, 124.
tragus, 124.
transtrum, 40, 47.
triremtis, triresmus, 54.
trochlea, 95. }
turris, 59, 60.

tutela, 67.

tympanum, 95.

unguis, 70.
urbis instar, opus, 21.

vectorius, 124.

velum, 87—91, 95—97, 99.
vexillum, 99, ΤΟΙ.
vinculum, 74.

the

4 ANCIENT WRITERS.

ι Β ἀδΊω, 116.

Ὴ lian, 5.

ἫΝ _ ZEschines, 109, 113, 118.

_ Aschylos, 20, 36, 38, 44, 57, 61, 63,

69, 77; 88, 94, 96, 97, 98, 106, 107,

Β΄ τό, 122,

_ Agathias, 103, 106, 112.

_ Alczeos, 70, 80

“ Alexander Polyhistor, quoted by Ste-
ο΄ phanos, 114.

_ Alexis Samios, 65.

_ Ammianus, 29, 58, 116, 117.

_ Anaxandrides, 103.

τῇ _Antiphilos, 33.

᾿ς Antiphon, 52.

δ i Apollodoros, 55, 65.

: _ Apollonios, 55-

᾿ς Apollonios Rhodios, 37, 40, 42, 46, 68,
; ᾿ 72; 74, 77; 80, 82, 93, 95, 96.

ἢ ame 15, 16, 23, 42, 52, 56, 60, 65,
_ 68, 74, 88, 99, 100, 109, 110, 115,
118, 110, 120, 123.

Patccs, 33» 67: 74» 771 93» 98.

_ Archimedes, 28.

| _ Archimelos, quoted by Athenzos, 27,

Soc. : 6.
ec το, 32, 36, 43, 44, 56, 60,
63, 66, 67, 69, 73, 81, 86, 93, 95, 108,

as 9; 20, 44, 48, 60, 65, 75, 76,
78, 91, 94, 96, 113, 116, 118, 121.

INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.

Arrian, 6, 15, 23, 34, 38, 44, 46, 51,
58, 60, 70, 73, 98, 102, 110, 118.

Artemidoros, 61.

Asclepiades, quoted by Athenzos, gr,
92, 93-

Athenzos, the engineer, 41.

Athenzos, the scholar, 8, 9, 10, 14, 155
20, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 36, 37, 38,
39 40, 41, 49, 50; 54, 55» 585 59; 60,
61, 63, 65, 68, 71, 74, 75, 76, 81, 85,
89, 90; 92, 94, 96, 97, 98, 103, 106,
107, 160, III, 112. 113, 114, 123.

Ausonius, 58, 108, 117, 121.

Automedon, 26.

Berosos, 24.
Bianor, 40.

Cecilius, 120.

Ceesar, 16, 23, 32, 33, 38, 39) 40, 52;
53» 60, 63, 64, 73, 97, 103, 117, 121,
123, 124.

Callimachos, quoted in scholia, 113.

Callisthenes, 123.

-Callixenos, quoted by Athenzos, 8, 9,

10, 14, 15, 22, 23, 36, 41, 50, 54, 63,
68, 75, 90, 92, 96, 98, 123.

Cassiodorus, 17.

Catullus, 93, 96, 120, 122.

Cedren, 27.

Charisius, 88.

Chariton, 58.

Cicero, 10, 21, 25, 37, 47, 51, 52, 56,
58, 61, 77, 94, 106, 109, III, 112,
117, 110, 120.

Cinna, 82.

134

Claudian, 32, 33.

Clemens Alexandrinus, 4, 5.
Comnena, Anna, 41.
Cratinos, 47.

Critias, 106.

Ctesias, 25, 38.

Curtius, Quintus, 6, 38.

Deinarchos, quoted by Pollux, 25, and
Harpocration, 113.

Demosthenes, 20, 49, 72, 103, 100.

Diodoros, 4, 5, 6, 9, 15, 22, 38, 47, 62,
65, 66, 68, 71, 87, 94, 99, 100, 102,
105, 106, 107, 109, 110, I15, 122,
124.

Diogenes Laertios, 40.

Dion Cassius, 11, 20, 21, 33, 60, 61,
62, 64, 71, 75, 89, 97, 100, IOI.

Dion Chrysostom, 40, 106.

Dionysios of Halicarnassos, 30.

Ennius, 58, 110.

Ennodius, 93.

Ephippos, rog.

Ephoros, quoted by Strabo, 7o.

Epicharmos, 113.

Epicrates, 85.

Epictetos, go.

Epiphanios, 124.

Eratosthenes, 93.

Euphorion, quoted by Lydos, 114.

Euripides, 20, 38, 41, 47, 57, 61, 63,
67, 69, 71; 72, 751 76, 77, 81, 94, 95»
96, 97, 102, 107, 122.

Eusebios, 24.

Eutropius, 8.

Florus, 100.

Galen, 48, 95.

Gellius, Aulus, 34, 57, 58, 112, 115,
120.

Gregory the Great, 104.

Harpocration, 34, 73, 82, 113.

Heliodoros, 25, 40, 57, 74, 82, 103,
115, 118.

Heracleitos, 70, 80.

INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.

Hermippos, 47, 97. a
Herodotos, 2, 4, 15, 23, 25, 325 33» 345
375 39) 449 495 57, 58, 64, 65, 66, 67,
68, 70, 73, 75, 76, 81, 88, 96, 97, 995
100, IOI, 102, 106, 107, 109, IIo,
113, 840) ;
Hesychios, 47, 65, 112.
Himerios, 26.
Hippocrates, 51, 65.
Hipponax, 34, 36.
Hirtius, Aulus, 52, 64, 101, 103, £05,
110, 123. δ
Homer, 2, 3, 81, 20, 32, 33, 34) 37) Gane
39, 40, 44, 46, 47, 52, 57, 60, 61, 68, ‘ 4
70, 73) 745 76, 80, 81, 95> 96, 97> 4
102, III, 114, 122.
Horace, 16, 36, 42, 59, 63, 112, 120.
Hyginus, 93.

Isidore, 58, 71, 82, 101, 110, 119.

Josephus, 55.
Juvenal, 40, 68, 88, 112, 114, 120.

Labeo, in the Pandects, 88, 103, 117.
Leo, 17, 18, 19, 39) 75» 92, 93, 100, 118.
Leonidas of Tarentum, 10, 73, 96, τού,
107, I21. 4
Livy, 7, 10, 14, 22, 25, 32, 52, 60, 70, ;
73, 87, 89, 96, 99, IOI, 105, 106, 4
108, 110, 115, 116, 117, 118, 121, |
122, 123. a
Lucan, 16, 32, 33, 58. 58, 59, 68, 70,
90, 93, 95, 96, 112, 120, 122. x
Lucian, 10, 20, 24, 35, 36, 40, 49, 54,
55, 61, 66, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 771 80; a
86, 90, 93, 94» 95; 96, 97, 98, 102, 7
106, 118. ὴ
Lucilius, 44, 83, 88, 96, ΤΟΙ; 111.
Lucretius, 68, 95.
Lycophron, 60, 70, 71, 80, 96.
Lydos, 114.

Manasses, 26, 40.
Marcellus, 105.
Martial, 120.
Maximus Tyrius, 59.
Meleager, 96.

INDEX TO AUTHORITIES,

~Memnon, 14, 50, 65, 110.

Menander, 107.

_ Moschion, quoted by Athenzos, 20, 25,

27, 28, 29, 36, 37, 38, 39, 49) 54)
58, 59, 60, 61, 71, 89, 92, 94, 103,
ἘΠῚ,

Moschos, 20.

Nicander, 112.

᾿ς Nicostratos, 107.

Nonius, 58, 83, 105, 108, 110, 111, 116,
IIQ, 120, 124.

4 Oppian, 70, 77, 81, 94, 95, 96.

- Orosius, 20.

_ Orpheus, 75, 76.
_ Ovid, 35, 36, 39) 40, 67, 74» 77» 94, 96,

Q7, 112, 117, 120.

Paulinus Nolanus, 17, 61, 88, 103.

Jenne

at ete et ει

- Paulus, in the Pandects, 103, 121.
- Pausanias, 50, 69, 70, 72, 110.

Persius, 36, 97.
Petronius, 55, 57,63, 71, 104.

Pherecrates, quoted in scholia, 94.

Philemon, 116.
Philippos, 63.
Philistos, 99.

Philo Judzeus, 24, 25, 58.

Philostephanos, quoted by Pliny, 4, 9.

᾿ς Philostratos, 35, 54, 69, 74, 98.
_ Photios, 14, 25, 110,

_ Pindar, 69, 77, 93, 96, 105.
_ Plato, 22, 31, 32, 39, 41, 60, 76, 77, 81.
Plautus, 55, 103, 1105) 111, 114, 116,

110, 120.

Pliny, the elder, 4, 5, 7» 9) 13: 17, 28»

26, 31, 33) 34» 35» 35s 39, 57) 59" 60,
63, 79, 71, 72, 741 77s 89, 90, 96; 97,
98, 99, 106, 110, 111» 112, 114, 116,
117, 118, 122.

Pliny, the younger, 103, 119.
Plutarch, 6, 7, 8, 14, 20, 21, 28, 31, 34;

35> 37> 38, 47.) 49; 50, 54, 59, 60, 62,
63, 64, 65, 66, 68, 70, 72, 76, 77, 86,
89, 93, 95» 97; 98, 100, IOI, 102, 103,
105, 106, 109, I13, 115, 118, 110,
123, 124.

135

Pollux, 7, 14, 25, 31, 47) 54, 79, 99,
115, 124.

Polyzenos, 35, 56, 60, 62, 68, 74, 75,
76, 99, 100, IOI, 102, 109, 118,
118.

Polybios, 7, 8, 12, 15, 20, 22, 39, 42,
52, 60, 62, 64, 73, 87, 88, 80, 105,
106, 108, 109, 115, 116, 117, 118,
1[9, I21, 122, 123.

Porphyrogenitos, 18, 19, 35, 91, 118.

Proclos, 29, 54-

Procopios, 11, 17, 21, 30, 38, 39, 40,
87, 98, 99, 102.

Propertius, 20, 36, 66, 107, 112.

Ptolemy, 57, 67, 68, 80, 93.

Quintilian, 20, 73, 77.

Sallust, 58, 61, 108, 116, 119, 120.

Satyrios Thyillos, 95.

Scylax, 113.

Seneca, the elder, 88.

Seneca, the younger, 61, 67, 90, gt, 96,
98, 108, 112, 120, 123, 124.

Sidonius, 58.

Silius Italicus, 13, 32, 56, 66, 67, 76.

Simonides, quoted by Plutarch, 98.

Sisenna, 105, 116, 119, 124.

Sophocles, 47, 61, 76, 81, 96, 112, 114.

Sosicrates, 107.

Statius, 63, 77, 90, IOI, 102.

Stephanos, 65, 114.

Stobzeos, 72.

Strabo, 6, 21, 25, 32, 33, 34) 38, 39;
65, 68, 70, 89, 97, 103, 106, 107, 114;
1157 116, 118, 120, 122, 123.

Strattis, 82.

Suetonius, 16, 29, 38, 58, 59, 61, 98,
102, 123, 124.

Suidas, 23, 98, 108, 110, 123.

Syncellos, 24.

Synesios, 10, 49, 54, 57, 72, 88, 94, 95,
109.

Tacitus, 17, 38, 58, 66, 75, 99, 102,
107, 117.

Themistios, 26.

Theocritos, 40, 47, 102, 116, 122,

136 INDEX TO AUTHORITIES.

Theodoros Prodromos, 41. Varro, 34, 108, IIo.
Theognis, 46, 70, 106. Vegetius, 16, 31534, 38, 38) 59, 758
Theophrastos, 7, 15, 23, 31, 32, 33, 34s 98, 117, 118, 123.

39, 62, 72, 89, 97, 105, 122. Velleius, 109, 110, 118. re:
Theophylactos, 118. Virgil, 10, 20, 21, 32, 34, 47, 5%) | § |
Thucydides, 4, 10, 11, 14, 15, 25, 30, 59, 60, 63, 65, 66, 67, 70, 74, 77, 95

47, 40, 50, 56, 57, 60, 62, 65, 66, 86, 96, 102, 112, 116, 120, 121, 122.

93; 101, 102, 105, 106, 108, 109. Vitruvius, 21, 28, 35, 41, 44, 61, 63,
Tibullus, 63. 76, QI, IOI, 122. 4
Timzos, 55. Vopiscus, 118.

Turpilius, tro, 116.
Tzetzes, 29, 36. Xenophon, 11, 23, 53, 56, 68, 76, 8

85, 86, 87, 99, 100, 101, τὸν 1 ὃ
Ulpian, 117, 124. 113, 115, 118, 122. Te

Valerius Flaccus, 32, 35, 36, 65, ἣν 68, Zonaras, 35, 41.

70, 93» 95: Zosimos, τό, 33.
COMPILATIONS.
the Anthology, το, 26, 28, 33, 40, 44, the Codes, 117.
63, 73, 94) 95, 96, 106, 107, 121. the Novels, 117. ἢ
ες the Basilics, 104. the Pandects, 88, 103, 105, 117, 121,

the Bible, 24, 34) 42, 55s 66, 72, 74s 124.
75, 88, IOI, 103, III.

INSCRIPTIONS.

Greek, 5, 9, 11, 12, 15; 35) 42) 43» 47, Latin, 13, 16, 34, 54, 60, 66, ed 8,
51, 53, 63, 64, 69, 71, 72, 73s 74» 775 117, 123. be
79, 82, 83, 84, 85, 92, 97, 102, 110. others, 9, 24, 113.

INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS.

PLATE 1,

Fgs. 1 and 2, boats on the Nile: about 2500 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 2, 78.
From reliefs in the tomb of Merab, a son of king Chufu of the Fourth Dynasty:
now in the Berlin Museum. Copied from Lepsius, Denkmialer aus Aegypten,
part ii, plate 22.

Fg. 3, boat on the Nile, and fgs. 4 and 5, Egyptian ships on the Red Sea:
about 1250 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 2, 9, 10, 41, 56, 68, 75, 77, 78. From reliefs in
the temple at Dér el-Bahari built by queen Matkara of the Eighteenth Dynasty :
still in position. Copied from Mariette, Deir-el-Bahari, plates 6 and 12.

Fg. 6, Egyptian war-ship in action in the Mediterranean, and fgs. 7 and 8,
Asiatic war-ships disabled and sinking: about 1000 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 2, 51;
56, 65, 79, 92. From a large relief on the temple at Medinet Habfi built by king
Rameses III of the Twentieth Dynasty: still in position. Copied from Cham-
pollion, Monuments de Egypte, vol. iii, plate 222.

PLATE 2.

Fg. 9, vessel on the Tigris: about 7oo B.c. Mentioned on p. 114. From a
relief in the palace at Khorsabad built by king Sargon: now in the Louvre.
Copied from Botta, Monument de Ninive, vol. i, plate 33.

Fgs. 10 and 11, Phoenician war-ship and merchant-ship: about 7oo B.C.
Mentioned on pp. 4, 44» 49, 52, 64, 79. From arelief in the palace at Kouyunjik
built by king Sennacherib: perhaps destroyed, Copied from Layard, Monuments
of Nineveh, first series, plate 71.—In reply to an enquiry, Sir A. H. Layard has
kindly sent me a note to say that he found the relief in too rickety a state to be
removed, and covered it up again to keep it out of harm’s way.

PLATE 38.

Fg. 12, symbol for a ship: about 600 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 69, 79, 98.
From a painted vase found in the Polledrara tomb near Vulci in Etruria: now in
the British Museum. Drawn from the original.

Fg. 13, war-ship: about 600 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 64, 68, 69, 79, 80, 93-
From fragments of a painted vase found near the Dipylon at Athens: one
fragment now in the Louvre, the other missing. Copied from the Monumenti
dell’ Instituto, vol. ix, plate 40.

ἢ k

138 INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS,

Fg. 14, part of a war-ship: about 600 B.c. Mentioned on p. 51. From a
fragment of a painted vase found near the Dipylon at Athens: now in the Louvre.
Copied from the Monuments Grecs, nos. 11—13, plate 4.

Fgs. 15 and 16, two war-ships in action: about 550 B.c. Mentioned on
PP- 49, 57, 64, 69. From a painted vase by Aristonophos found at Czre in
Etruria: now in the New Capitoline Museum at Rome. Copied from the
Monumenti dell’ Instituto, vol. ix, plate 4.

PLATE 4.

Fgs. 17 and 18, war-ship and merchant-ship : about 500 B.c. Mentioned on
PP- 44, 56, 57, 65, 68, 75, 8t, 101. From a painted vase found at Vulci in
Etruria: now in the British Museum. Drawn from the original.

Fg. 19, two war-ships : about 500 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 56, 65, 68, 69, 78,
81, 100, ror. From a painted vase by Nicosthenes found at Vulci in Etruria:
now in the Louvre. Copied from the Journal of Hellenic Studies, first series,

plate 49.
PLATE 5.

Fg. 20, stern of a war-ship: about 500 B.c. Mentioned on p. 40. From a
coin of Phaselis in Lycia. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 21, waist of a war-ship: about 400 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 40, 44, 45,
49, 50, 52. From a fragment of a relief found on thegAcropolis at Athens: now
in the Acropolis Museum. Drawn from a cast. a Deke, νναυὶ ey Ω

Fg. 22, prow of a war-ship: about 300 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 40, 62, 69.
From the remains of the pedestal of the great statue of Victory found at
Samothrace: now in the Louvre. Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 23, prow of a war-ship: about 300 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 40, 57, 62,
64, 68, 69. From a coin of Cios in Bithynia. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 24, sterns of three war-ships: about 200 B.c. Mentioned on pp. 36, 68.
From a relief probably found in Rome: now in the Doges’ Palace at Venice.
Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 25, prow of a war-ship: about 50 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 16, 44, 53, 60,
66, 68, 69. From a relief found in the temple of Fortune at Preeneste: now in
the Vatican. Copied from a photograph.

PLATE 6.

Fg. 26, merchant-ship: about 50 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 40, 66, 67, 69, 78,
89, 94, 100. From a relief on the tomb of Nezvoleia Tyche at Pompei: still in
position. Copied from Niccolini, Case di Pompei, Sepolcro di Nevoleia Tyche.

Fg. 27, merchant-ship: in 67 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 89, 90, 100. From a
dated coin of Alexandria. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 28, merchant-ship: in 186 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 78, 89. From a
dated coin of the emperor Commodus. Drawn from a cast.

Fg. 29, merchant-ship, and fgs. 30 and 31, parts of another: about 200 A.D.
Mentioned on pp. 36, 40, 58, 66, 67, 78, 81, 89, 90, 93, 94, 95» 98, 104. Froma
relief found at Porto near the mouth of the Tiber : now in the private collection
of Prince Torlonia at Rome. Copied from Guglielmotti, Delle due navi Romane,
frontispiece.

:
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F

INDEX TO ILLUSTRATIONS. 139

Fg. 32, merchant-ship: about 200 A.D. Mentioned on p. go. From a relief
on a sarcophagus found in the precincts of the Vatican: now in the Lateran
Museum. Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 33, merchant-ship: about 200 A.D. Mentioned on p. 89. From a relief
found at Utica: now in the British Museum. Drawn from the original.

Fg. 34, merchant-ship: in 305 A.D. Mentioned on p. 89. From a dated
coin of the emperor Maximian. Drawn from a cast.

PLATE 7.

Fgs. 35 and 36, two war-ships in a sham-fight: about 50 A.D. Mentioned
on pp. 58, 68, 78, 89. From a fresco in the temple of Isis at Pompei: now
in the Naples Museum. Copied from Niccolini, Case di Pompei, Tempio d’Iside,
plate 4.

Fg. 37, merchant-ship: about 250 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 69, 89. From a
fresco in the Callistine Catacombs at Rome: still in position. Copied from G-B.
de Rossi, Roma Sotterranea, vol. ii, plate 14.

Fg. 38, war-ships: about 500 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 78, go. From a
manuscript of the Iliad in the Ambrosian Library at Milan. Copied from Mai,
Homeri Iliados picture antiqu, plate 32, with some corrections from a photo-
graph.

Fg. 39, ships in harbour at Classis: about 600 A.D. Mentioned on pp. 17,
go.. From a mosaic in the church of S. Apollinare Nuovo at Ravenna: still in
position. Copied from a photograph.

Fg. 40, merchant-ship: date uncertain. Mentioned on pp. 69, 75, 89. From
a fresco in one of the caves at Ajunta in India: still in position. Copied from a
reproduction in the South Kensington Museum.

PLATE 8.
Fg. 41, figure-head in bronze: about 50 B.c. Mentioned on p. 66. Found

4 off Actium : now in the British Museum. Drawn from the original. One sixth of

actual size.

Fg. 42, prow of a war-ship: about 150 B.c. Mentioned on p. 65. From a
coin of Leucas in Acarnania. Drawn from a cast.

Fig. 43, auxiliary ram in bronze: about 50 B.c. Mentioned on p. 65. Found
in Genoa harbour: now in the Armoury at Turin. Copied from the Archiiolo-
gisches Jahrbuch, vol. iv, p. 12. One twelfth of actual size.
| Fg. 44, anchor: about 350 B.c. Mentioned on p. 71. From a coin, probably
_ of Apollonia in Mysia. Drawn from a cast.

Fgs. 45 to 47, portions of an anchor in lead: about 50 B.c. Mentioned on
pp. 71, 72. Found off the coast of Cyrene: now in the British Museum. Drawn
_ from the original. One sixteenth of actual size.

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